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Writing the History of Development (Part 2: Longer, Deeper, Wider)
In Part 2 of this extended essay on writing the history of development, I examine the most important historiographical trends of recent years. If the demise of the Cold War and the “crisis” of development first led historians and other social scientists in the 1990s to study development as history , then the events of September 11, 2001 set the stage for the newer literature on development. Since 9/11, scholars have moved beyond the binary and homogenous depictions that marked the “first wave” of historical writing, offering instead more contextualized, complex, and ambiguous narratives of development’s past. The Cold War timeframe has been jettisoned in favor of the longue durée , pivoting more to the earlier origins and colonial precedents of the postwar project. The earlier importance of metropolitan-centered ideas and discursive frameworks has been replaced by concern for actual development practices and impacts on the people who inhabit the territories of the global south. The most significant realignment, I argue, and one that has only just begun, is towards conceptualizing development as a global and transnational enterprise, one that encompassed more than the American and Western European experiences and included a diversity of historical actors and trajectories.
Journal Article
The Deadly Serious Causes of Legitimate Rebellion: Between the Wrongs of Terrorism and the Crimes of War
This article challenges the tendency exhibited in arguments by Michael Ignatieff, Jeremy Waldron, and others to treat the Law of Armed Conflict (LOAC) as the only valid moral frame of reference for guiding (and judging) armed rebels with just cause. To succeed, normative language and principles must reflect not only the wrongs of ‘terrorism’ and war crimes, but also the rights of legitimate rebels. However, these do not always correspond to the legal privileges of combatants. Rebels are often unlikely to gain belligerent recognition and might sometimes have strong moral reasons to exceed the rights of regular combatants. Where this gives rise to tensions between morality and the LOAC, a decision is needed to determine which to follow. Setting aside the idea of (a) suppressing just war theory altogether in favour of a more purely regulatory approach to war and (b) reforming law in the direct light of moral theory, I question the attempt by Waldron (among others) (c) to argue that moral weight of the legal conventions at the heart of the LOAC trump any moral reasons there might be for breaching them. Even if non-combatant immunity is, as Waldron suggests, a deadly serious convention, I argue that war is justified only if pursued for the sake of deadly serious causes which may even be serious enough to oblige agents to break the law. A political theory of the ethics of war is needed (d) to mediate between the moral and legal in such cases where they cannot be reconciled directly.
Journal Article
University lies in legal limbo
In April, the Hungarian government amended its higher-education law to require that all foreign-accredited universities there had to operate as higher-education institutes in their countries of origin by 1 January 2018.A government spokesperson told Nature that the purpose of the delay was to give other foreign higher-education institutions time to comply with the new requirements, adding that three institutions, including the CEU, are still in negotiation.
Journal Article
Who has a meaningful life? A care ethics analysis of selective trait abortion
Trait Selective Abortions (TSA) have come under critique as a medical practice that presents potential disabled infants as burdens and lacking the potential for meaningful lives. This paper, using the author’s background as a disabled person, contends that the philosophy underpinning TSAs reflects liberal society’s lack of a theory of needs. The author argues for a care ethics based approach informed by disability analyses to engage with TSAs.
Journal Article
The United Nations as a New World Government: Conspiracy Theories, American Isolationism, and Exceptionalism
This paper analyzes the historical genealogy of conspiracy theories about a global supergovernment by focusing on one period of American history in which it attained particular visibility. The formation of the United Nations in 1945 and the onset of the Cold War galvanized speculation on the political margins that a shadowy, malevolent international government was seeking world domination by targeting the United States and its political culture. At the same time, mainstream United States foreign policy was marked by a desire to both reshape international institutions to resist Soviet influence while also avoiding any domestic changes that might result from international engagement. This paper suggests that conspiracy theory functioned as a mechanism resolving the vicious circle occasioned by these competing foreign policy priorities. Through a narrative analysis of conspiratorial sentiments in North Dakota Representative Usher L. Burdick’s warnings about the United Nations as a threat to American liberty and sovereignty, this article highlights the continuities between mainstream American exceptionalism and conspiratorial ideas.
Journal Article
Editors’ Introduction
For the inaugural issue, we feature International Relations scholar Tom Young's analysis of the fallouts from the publication of Portland State University political scientist Bruce Gilley's controversial article, ‘The Case for Colonialism in Africa’ which appeared in Third World Quarterly (2017). In light of this, we had tasked Dr Young, not with a standard rebuttal, but an intervention that, taking the Gilley article as its initial provocation, uses its by no means original position (see for instance arguments advanced elsewhere by the historians Niall Ferguson and Michael Ignatieff, and foreign affairs analyst Robert D. Kaplan); and the furore triggered by it, as a moment to reflect on nagging issues in the African colonial experience, African historiography, postcolonial politics, and perennial, if intractable, epistemological and philosophical questions and debates on the status of the past itself. [...]in a bracingly well-written essay in which few turns are left unstoned, Dr Young ranges over topics as diverse – and seemingly disaffiliated – as free speech and the liberal tradition, safe spaces and trigger warnings, toleration, higher education, NGOs and the colonial legacy in Africa.
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Beware the rise of the radical right
Academic freedom is on the hit list when radical politicians gain office — as they have done in Europe.
Academic freedom is on the hit list when radical politicians gain office — as they have done in Europe.
Journal Article
Fire and ashes : success and failure in politics
In 2005 Michael Ignatieff left Harvard to lead Canada's Liberal Party and by 2008 was poised to become Prime Minister. It never happened. He describes what he learned from his bruising defeat about compromise and the necessity of bridging differences in a pluralist society. A reflective, compelling account of modern politics as it really is.
eBook
SEVEN DAYS: The news in brief
Climate lawsuit New York state attorney general Barbara Underwood filed a lawsuit against oil and gas giant ExxonMobil on 24 October, alleging that the company misled its investors about the financial risks that global warming posed to its business. The suit alleges that the company told investors that it was taking into consideration the impact that potential climate-change regulations could have on future demand for fossil fuels. Birmingham's intervention went against the recommendations of independent peer-review panels that had assessed the projects as high-quality and worthy of funding from the Australian Research Council, a major funder of science and humanities research.
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