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At the outset the proposal seemed modest: transfer two hundred unaccompanied Cuban children to Miami to save them from communism. The time apart from their parents would be short, only until Fidel Castro fell from power by the result of U.S. force, Cuban counterrevolutionary tactics, or a combination of both. Families would be reunited in a matter of months. A plan was hatched, and it worked-until it ballooned into something so unwieldy that within two years the modest proposal erupted into what at the time was the largest migration of unaccompanied minors to the United States. Operation Pedro Pan explores the undertaking sponsored by the Miami Catholic Diocese, federal and state offices, child welfare agencies, and anti-Castro Cubans to bring more than fourteen thousand unaccompanied children to the United States during the Cold War. Operation Pedro Pan was the colloquial name for the Unaccompanied Cuban Children's Program, which began under government largesse in February 1961. Children without immediate family support in the United States-some 8,300 minors-received group and foster care through the Catholic Welfare Bureau and other religious, governmental, and nongovernmental organizations as young people were dispersed throughout the country. Using personal interviews and newly unearthed information, Operation Pedro Pan provides a deeper understanding of how and why the program was devised. John A. Gronbeck-Tedesco demonstrates how the seemingly mundane conditions of everyday life can suddenly uproot civilians from their routines of work, church, and school and thrust them into historical prominence. The stories told by Pedro Pans are filled with horror and resilience and contribute to a refugee memory that still shapes Cuban American politics and identity today.

Utilizing an interdisciplinary approach, Current offers a fresh approach to a topic that has received a fair amount of attention. She questions traditional narratives on first and second wave Cuban immigration that construct a monolithic Cuban experience and identity. This traditional singular identity and experience is the basis of the Exile Model, which presents Cubans as overtly political, highly educated, universally white, economically successful, residents of Miami, and martyrs of Castro's revolution. This oversimplification ignores the structural assistance that facilitated the Cuban \"success story,\" the racial and economic plurality of Cuban immigration, and the existence of Cuban communities outside of Miami.

By turns evident and invisible, the legacy of Jewishness in the Caribbean manifests variously in the Cuban cultural imagination: through recognition of a distant Sephardic ancestry; through the presence of Jewish characters in literature written by non-Jews; and through the enduring influence of the cultural production of early twentieth-century Jewish immigrants. The article evinces the complexities of this legacy through its analysis of, among other works, a 2017 operatic production of Hatuey : Memoria del fuego , a künstlerroman that tells the story of Ukrainian Yiddish poet Asher Penn and the writing of his 1931 epic poem about Hatuey, a sixteenth-century indigenous leader. The analysis proceeds from multiple vantages: histories of Cuban Jewry; an analysis of the Passover narrative; and theories of Cuban Creole and Black cultural formation such as Peréz-Firmat’s allegory of the Cuban ajiaco and Tavia Nyong’o’s afro-fabulation. From within this polyvalence, the article argues that the story of Jewishness and Cuba is one that resists available categories—a story that is and was always-already multidirectional, dynamic, and emergent.

Contested Community analyzes the Chinese immigrant community in Cuba between the years 1900-1968, highlighting the asymmetrical power relations that permeated its economic, political, and ethnic structures.

Three Afro-Cuban spiritual practices—Regla de Palo Monte (Mayombe), Abakuá, and Regla de Osha (Santería)—are living testaments of African resistance to European colonisation. The survival of strong African traits in a mixed-race island in the Caribbean, like Cuba, demonstrates the successful integration of African philosophies and beliefs in the search for peaceful co-existence. Through an adaptive process of transculturation, these three spiritual practices, originally from West and Central Africa, were transformed through the agency of African descendants into a wider Western Hemispheric tradition relevant to psychological survival in the present. Hay tres prácticas espirituales afrocubanas—Regla de Palo Monte (Mayombe), Abakuá y Regla de Osha (Santería)—que son testimonios vivientes de la resistencia africana a la colonización europea. La supervivencia de fuertes rasgos africanos en una isla mestiza en el Caribe, como Cuba, demuestra la integración exitosa de las filosofías y creencias africanas en la búsqueda de una coexistencia pacífica. A través de un proceso adaptativo de transculturación, estas tres prácticas espirituales originarias de África occidental y central fueron transformadas por descendientes africanos en una tradición más amplia del Hemisferio Occidental relevante para la supervivencia psicológica en el presente. II y a trois pratiques spirituelles afro-cubaines—Règle de Palo Monte (Mayombe), Abakuá, et Règle d'Osha (Santeria)—qui sont des témoignages vivants de la résistance africaine à la colonisation européenne. La survivance de traits africains forts dans une île métisse des Caraïbes, comme Cuba, démontre l'intégration réussie des philosophies et des croyances africaines dans la recherche de la coexistence pacifique. Grâce à un processus adaptatif de transculturation, ces trois pratiques spirituelles originaires de l'Afrique de l'Ouest et du Centre ont été transformées par l'entremise des descendants africains en une plus vaste tradition hémisphérique occidentale pertinente pour la survie psychologique dans le présent.

Luibhéid has convincingly argued that identification and processing by the U.S. immigration service served to construct \"the very sexual categories and identities\" it sought to regulate.89 In the case of Mariel immigrants, the disciplinary power was not exercised in the form of precise categories and consistent enforcement but, quite the opposite, through contradictory definitions and spotty threats of enforcement. For the Mariel locas, U.S. identification as homosexual did not necessarily lead to exclusion, but it opened up this possibility and contributed to an ambiguous sociocultural standing in the broader U.S. society.91 In this sense, the fractured gaze disguised the workings of state power at the level of subjectivity by constantly reiterating subject categories (criminal, homosexual, black) while allowing for apparent openings for members of those categories through its inconsistent applications.

Cubans who have migrated since the 1990s after living for two decades or more in their country of origin left with an embedded gender ideology that they acquired in a society where gender relations were undergoing radical transformations. As a result, Cuban feminization of migrations has its peculiarities. In this context, there are three issues to consider: explaining how gender relations attained in Cuba, as part of the overall attitudes gained since childhood, influenced Cuban migrants who have left the island permanently since 1990, introduced uniqueness in their migration processes, and made up a different feminization of migration; identifying the features of Cuban social structure that shaped the gender ideology of Cuban migrants; and producing new knowledge about Cuban international migration processes by using a gender perspective and by analyzing the gender relations prevailing in the years before the crisis of the 1990s, as well as since the beginning of the twenty-first century.The first part of this article focuses on gender distinctiveness of recent Cuban migrants, and the second summarizes some traits of the Cuban social structure – mainly referred to female employment – that could explain the gender training of the migrants. Las cubanas y los cubanos que emigraron en los años noventa tras vivir por dos décadas o más en Cuba llevaron consigo una ideología de género adquirida en una sociedad que transformó radicalmente las relaciones de género. Como resultado la feminización de las migraciones internacionales en Cuba tiene sus peculiaridades. El artículo tiene tres propósitos: aproximarse a las especificidades de las personas que se marcharon de Cuba a partir de los años noventa, para identificar las singularidades de su ideología de género; encontrar los orígenes de esas actitudes en las estructuras sociales prevalecientes en Cuba a lo largo de su infancia, adolescencia y adultez temprana, así como en la ideología de género prevaleciente en Cuba, y, por último, producir nuevos conocimientos sobre los procesos migratorios externos cubanos usando la perspectiva de género y analizando las relaciones de género prevalecientes en Cuba en los años anteriores a la crisis de los noventa y desde el inicio de este siglo. La primera parte del artículo se dedica a las características genéricas de los migrantes cubanos recientes, mientras que la segunda parte resume algunas tendencias de las estructuras sociales cubanas – sobre todo aquellas referidas al empleo femenino – que podrían explicar el entrenamiento de género de estos migrantes.