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Large sporting events affect criminal behaviour via three channels: fan concentration, self-incapacitation and police displacement. I exploit information on football matches for London teams linked to detailed recorded crime data at the area level to estimate these effects empirically. I find that only property crime increases in the communities hosting matches but not violent offences. There is a negative away game attendance effect on crime which is due to voluntary incapacitation of potential offenders attending a match. Police displacement during home games increases property crime by 7 percentage points for every extra 10000 supporters in areas that are left underprotected.

Because of racially disproportionate imprisonment rates, the literature on mass incarceration has focused on the labor market consequence of imprisonment and the implications of those effects for racial inequality. Yet, the effects of imprisonment itself, as distinct from conviction, are not well understood. The authors leverage a natural experiment based on the random assignment of judges to felony cases in Michigan to examine the causal effect of being sentenced to prison as compared to probation, stratifying by race and work history. The most widespread effect of imprisonment on employment occurs through incapacitation in prison, both for the initial prison sentence and through the heightened risk of subsequent imprisonment. Negative postrelease effects of imprisonment on employment, employment stability, and employment outside the secondary labor market are concentrated among whites with a presentence work history. Postrelease effects of imprisonment on employment among those with no work history are positive but fade over time.

Urban Survivors Union (USU), the American national drug users union, is a coalition of drug user unions, organizations led by drug-using sex workers, and other groups affected by the drug war. Founded in 2017 by three long-standing regional unions, it includes more than 30 chapters and affiliate groups throughout the country. People who use drugs lead the union and perform all of its functions. At USU, we prioritize the leadership of people of color, low-income team members, and people from underresourced states.Our organization uses collective decision-making and team-based systems because of philosophy and necessity. We all face death or incapacitation at any time from overdose, incarceration, poverty, illness, mental health issues, trauma, and disability. Thus, we take on projects in two-person teams, share skills, and provide mentorship. We host national weekly virtual presentations by people who use drugs on organization, skill building, and prevention tips. Topics have included harm reduction during COVID-1 9, domestic violence, and establishment of local drug user unions. We also hold frequent Webinars to circulate critical information quickly through our national community. We share grant calendars and training, monitor legislation, teach members how to track state and municipal politics, and build power among local organizers.When the COVID-19 pandemic began, USU members were particularly affected because people who use drugs are at high risk for hospitalization, morbidity, and mortality from COVID-19 infection.1 In addition, overdose2 and hepatitis C virus rates are rising.

Modern critics of the administrative state portray agencies as omnipotent behemoths, invested with vast delegated powers and largely unaccountable to the political branches of government. This picture, we argue, understates agency vulnerability to an increasingly powerful presidency. One source of presidential control over agencies in particular has been overlooked: the systematic undermining of an agency’s ability to execute its statutory mandate. This strategy, which we call “structural deregulation,” is a dangerous and underappreciated aspect of what then-Professor, now-Justice Elena Kagan termed “presidential administration.” Structural deregulation attacks the core capacities of the bureaucracy. The phenomenon encompasses such practices as leaving agencies understaffed and without permanent leadership; marginalizing agency expertise; reallocating agency resources; occupying an agency with busywork; and damaging an agency’s reputation. Structural deregulation differs from traditional “substantive” deregulation, which targets the repeal of particular agency rules or policies. While substantive deregulation may have serious consequences, it is relatively transparent, limited in scope, and subject to legal challenge. By contrast, structural deregulation is stealthier. It is death by a thousand cuts. We argue that structural deregulation is in tension with constitutional, administrative, and democratic norms. Nevertheless, public law is remarkably ill-equipped to address it. Constitutional and administrative law both have blind spots when it comes to presidential management of the bureaucracy, especially when the President’s mission is incapacitation. Specific statutes meant to protect the civil service or inoculate agency budgets from presidential control do not help much either — they are vulnerable to workarounds. These blind spots and workarounds have allowed structural deregulation to flourish as a method of presidential control, with serious consequences for the future of the administrative state. We therefore propose legislative and regulatory reforms that could help to control the risks of structural deregulation.

Background This study explores the association of smart health devices on the risk of disability among older adults, and the underlying pathways. The study is grounded in three key factors: the reality of China’s rapidly developing ageing process; the popularisation of smart health devices; and the rapid development of the digital economy. Methods This study utilised the CLASS2020 dataset to investigate the association of smart health devices on the risk of disability among older adults. Multiple linear regression was employed to analyse the data, and a robustness test was conducted by shrinking the sample using propensity score matching. This study utilised the Sobel and bootstrap methods to analyse the mediating effect of smart health devices on the risk of incapacitation among older adults. Additionally, it examined the heterogeneity of digital access and literacy in relation to the association of smart health devices on the risk of incapacitation among older adults. Results The findings of this study indicated that the implementation of smart health devices, as well as the quantity of these devices utilized by older adults, exhibited a negative association on the risk of disability in this demographic. The analysis of mediating pathways suggested that the association between smart health device use and lower disability risk was partially explained by its correlation with higher levels of intergenerational financial and household support, greater exercise frequency, and increased use of rehabilitation therapy. The analysis of moderating effects demonstrated that older adults' comparative health level exerted a negative moderating effect, while recent hospitalization experience exerted a positive moderating effect. Conclusion The negative association of smart health devices on the risk of disability in older individuals is more pronounced among those without digital access and with limited digital literacy, while its efficacy is diminished among those with digital access and proficient digital literacy. If the observed associations are causal, our findings suggest that the government promote the universalization of smart health devices, further bridge the digital divide among the older adults, and enhance the digital literacy of the older adults through digital education.

Objective We examine whether affective, verbal, and restitutive displays of remorse are associated with perceived offender immorality, as well as whether displays of remorse exert indirect effects on preferences for criminal sentencing via perceived offender immorality. Method Data are from an online survey, which included a sentencing vignette with experimental manipulations for offender remorse and items measuring sentencing preferences, perceived offender and offense immorality, and controls ( N  = 352). OLS regression and bias-corrected bootstrap confidence intervals were used to estimate direct and indirect effects. Replication analyses were conducted with two student samples ( N  = 103 and N  = 131). Results Displays of remorse were associated with perceived offender immorality. Displays of remorse also exerted indirect effects on preferences for sentencing severity and support for particular sentencing goals (including incapacitation, rehabilitation, and restoration). Conclusions Affective, verbal, and restitutive displays of remorse may be associated with sentencing preferences via perceived offender immorality.

This paper examines the relationship between the minimum high school dropout age and juvenile arrest rates by exploiting state-level variation in dropout age laws. County-level arrest data for the period 1980 to 2008 and difference-in-difference-in-difference-type empirical strategy are used to compare the arrest rates over time of various age groups within counties that differ by their state's minimum dropout age. The evidence suggests that minimum dropout age requirements have a significant and negative effect on property and violent crime arrest rates for individuals 16 to 18 years old. The results are consistent with an incapacitation effect of schooling.

We study the causal effect of mandatory military conscription in Sweden on the criminal behaviour of men born in the 1970s. We find that military service significantly increases post-service crime (overall and across multiple crime categories) between the ages of 23 and 30. These results are driven primarily by young men who come from low socioeconomic status households and those with pre-service criminal histories, despite evidence of a contemporaneous incapacitation effect of service for the latter group. Much of this crime-inducing effect can be attributed to negative peer effects experienced during service. Worse post-service labour market outcomes may also matter.

The field of mobile robot (MR) navigation with obstacle avoidance has largely focused on real, physical obstacles as the sole external causative agent for navigation impediment. This paper has explored the possible option of virtual obstacles (VOs) dominance in robot navigation impediment in certain navigation environments as a MR move from one point in the workspace to a desired target point. The systematically explored literature presented reviews mostly between the years 2000 and 2021; however, some outlier reviews from earlier years were also covered. An exploratory review approach was deployed to itemise and discuss different navigation environments and how VOs can impact the efficacy of both algorithms and sensors on a robotic vehicle. The associated limitations and the specific problem types addressed in the different literature sources were highlighted including whether or not a VO was considered in the path planning simulation or experiment. The discussion and conclusive sections further recommended some solutions as a measure towards addressing sensor performance incapacitation in a robot vehicle navigation problem.

While group differences in violence have long been a key focus of sociological inquiry, we know comparatively little about the trends in criminal violence for whites, blacks, and Hispanics in recent decades. Combining geocoded death records with multiple data sources to capture the socioeconomic, demographic, and legal context of 131 of the largest metropolitan areas in the United States, this article examines the trends in racial/ethnic inequality in homicide rates since 1990. In addition to exploring long-established explanations (e.g., disadvantage), we also investigate how three of the most significant societal changes over the past 20 years, namely, rapid immigration, mass incarceration, and rising wealth inequality affect racial/ethnic homicide gaps. Across all three comparisons—white-black, white-Hispanic, and black-Hispanic—we find considerable convergence in homicide rates over the past two decades. Consistent with expectations, structural disadvantage is one of the strongest predictors of levels and changes in racial/ethnic violence disparities. In contrast to predictions based on strain theory, racial/ethnic wealth inequality has not increased disparities in homicide. Immigration, on the other hand, appears to be associated with declining white-black homicide differences. Consistent with an incapacitation/deterrence perspective, greater racial/ethnic incarceration disparities are associated with smaller racial/ethnic gaps in homicide.