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This article investigates the unique contribution of specific programme characteristics together with personal stigma, stigmatisation by the public, and claims stigma, to the non-take-up of targeted income support among Hong Kong older adults. Drawing on data from a sample of 3,299 Hong Kong older adults aged 65 or above, we find that between 11-14 per cent of eligible participants did not receive cash transfers from Normal and Higher Old Age Living Allowance (OALA) and old-age Comprehensive Social Security Assistance (old-age CSSA). By combining mainstream economic analysis with attempts to quantify welfare stigma (Baumberg, 2016) we find that transaction costs were most consistently and strongly related to non-take-up of targeted income support; non-take-up of old-age CSSA and Higher OALA but not Normal OALA varied with welfare stigma after controlling for personal and household characteristics of study participants. This article further adds to the literature by examining the effect of recent reforms to asset- and means-tested benefits for the same target population of older adults on take-up in the East Asian context. The article suggests that automatic switching of beneficiaries from Normal OALA to Higher OALA effectively facilitated higher take-up of the latter. The policy implications of these various findings are discussed.

Dutch minimum income support provides a generous social safety net compared to most other European Union (EU) member states but has not been able to structurally reduce poverty. This inadequacy did not come about overnight but is the result of six decades of policy decisions. In this article, we aim to explain the current income shortfalls of people on minimum income support by studying the historical evolution and determinants of the Dutch minimum income scheme. We demonstrate that it has on average maintained a constant level of purchasing power over the period 1980–2023. This fits well with the notion that poverty is of an absolute nature, and that a social minimum should guarantee a stable level of purchasing power. It fits less well with relative or contextual approaches to poverty, and the view that a social minimum should adapt to changing norms when a society grows richer. To uncover the reasons for the growing gap between general prosperity and the minimum income benefit, we decompose it into smaller gaps by illustrating the evolution of prosperity, labour productivity, gross wages, collectively agreed wages, the minimum wage and the minimum income benefit. We show that each of these gaps matters and argue that this provides valuable insights into the structural, institutional and political forces that have shaped Dutch minimum income support since its introduction in 1965. Based on these results, we argue against the current ad hoc measures of the government and in favour of a more structural approach to supporting low-income households.

While welfare stigma is a unique factor in explaining the non-take-up of targeted income support, the role of different categories of needs in the link between welfare stigma and non-take-up remains less understood. In this study focusing on older adults in Hong Kong, we use multivariate logistic regression analysis based on data from an original cross-sectional household survey to quantify the extent to which the effect of self-perceived welfare stigma on the non-take-up of old-age Comprehensive Social Security Assistance (old-age CSSA), the most stigmatised targeted social assistance programme for older adults in Hong Kong, is moderated by poverty (household expenditure, material deprivation, social exclusion) and health (chronic illness, pain, activities of daily living) needs. We find a consistent negative association between needs and personal welfare stigma, but less so stigmatisation by the public. Higher poverty needs increased the odds of non-take-up of old-age CSSA; the impact of welfare stigma on the odds of non-take-up varied with different levels of poverty needs. By contrast, higher health needs decreased the odds of non-take-up of old-age CSSA; the respective interaction terms of welfare stigma and health needs indicators did not yield any statistically significant results. The article contributes to the literature by showing that different need categories moderate the relationship between welfare stigma and non-take-up of targeted social assistance differently. We explain these differences by pointing towards the cultural context, programme-specific aspects of old-age CSSA in Hong Kong, and, ultimately, local perceptions of older adults with different needs as ‘less’ and ‘truly’ deserving.

Research suggests that generous social welfare programs play a role in maternal and child health. However, most studies examine a single policy in isolation. Drawing from research documenting low-income families ‘packaging’ of social policies, we create a novel measure summarizing the value of a collection of income support policies for the working poor. This collection includes: the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP), the Earned Income Tax Credit (EITC), the minimum wage, and the unemployment insurance (UI) program. Using U.S. state-level administrative data from 1996 to 2014, we estimate fixed effects regression models to examine the relationship between birth outcomes and income support policies (individually and combined). We find that increases in the combined value of the four income supports are significantly associated with reductions in preterm births and low birthweight births, but not infant mortality rates. States with the highest observed levels of combined income support had 14% fewer PTBs and 7% fewer LBWs than states with the lowest levels of income support. Of the four individual income support policies, only unemployment insurance has no significant independent effects. SNAP benefits have the largest and most consistent effects, reducing poor birth outcomes across all three indicators. An annual increase of $1000 in SNAP benefits is associated with a 3% decline in infant deaths, 5% decline in preterm births, and 2% decline in low birthweight births. These results suggest that increasing the generosity of income support policies may be a promising strategy for improving birth outcomes in the United States.

This study examined the financial impact of cancer and the use of income support in adolescents and young adults (AYAs) with cancer and their parent caregivers. As part of a national Australian study exploring the psychosocial impacts of cancer, 196 AYAs ages 15 to 25 years, six to 24 months from diagnosis, and 204 parent caregivers from 18 cancer sites were surveyed. Logistic regression and chi-square analyses were conducted to assess the influence of clinical and sociodemographic variables on financial status. Qualitative responses were coded, and key themes were identified using thematic analysis. The findings indicate that more than half of AYAs and parents reported financial issues as a consequence of AYA cancer. Financial issues resulted from direct medical costs, associated costs from treatment, and indirect costs from loss of income. AYAs and parents reported that it was important for them to receive income support, both during and after cancer treatment. However, large proportions of those who reported needing income support had difficulty accessing it. AYAs and their families are substantially financially disadvantaged by cancer, many for a prolonged time. Patient-and family-centered assessments and interventions are required to reduce the financial burden of AYA cancer.

We discuss various anti-poverty policies which involve direct transfer policies for the poor, focusing on their different dimensions—namely the size and time sequence of the transfers, whether it is cash or in kind, any conditionality involved, whether they are means-tested. We argue that their pros and cons depend on what is the underlying aspect of poverty that the policy is aiming to address, namely what is the cause of it, what is the time horizon, what is the social objective, and what, if any, limitations on state capacity might be present. We illustrate the issues involved by discussing two transfer policies in detail, a rural asset transfer programme in Bangladesh and a hypothetical universal income support programme in India—and highlight the dual nature of such policies as both redistributive and potentially productive investments. We conclude by discussing the potential complementarities between different types of anti-poverty policies.

The term \"feminization of poverty\" was coined by Diana Pearce in 1978 who claimed that women heads of households were the poorest of the poor (Pearce, 1978). This concept became very popular in the 1990s after the fourth United Nations Conference on Women. Yet, after a decade of research on the feminization of poverty, Sylvia Chant and many other researchers criticized the narrowness of the concept and highlighted the need of including the gender dimensions of poverty within the definition of feminization of poverty (Chant 2003; Moghadam 2005; Staveren & Odebode, 2007). The research on the feminization of poverty from 2010-2020 broadly focused on the poverty of women within men-headed households and highlighted intrahousehold gender inequalities when women are not given an equal share of the resources (Bradshaw, 2013; Bradshaw & Linneker, 2014; Chant, 2010; Gammage et al., 2016). The present research, therefore, focuses on the contextual notion of the feminization of poverty, by viewing the poverty of women as a result of intra-household gender inequalities due to patriarchal structures. This paper looks at how the feminization of poverty conceptualizes women living below poverty line, men living below the poverty line, and social welfare schemes carried out by the state, such as the Benazir Income Support Program (BISP). We also question whether the feminization of poverty has an effect on children (child education, child labor, and child marriage). The ontological and epistemological foundation of the present research is drawn from Standpoint Feminist Theory (SFT) coupled with the Social Relations Approach (SRA) associated with Kabeer (1994). The research is qualitative in nature, based on data from in-depth interviews, with women and men living in conditions of poverty. Data was also collected from selected employees of the Benazir Income Support Program.

Poor young people more often face health difficulties, (learning) disabilities, and are overrepresented in special schools. Consequently, youth from poor households disproportionately frequently participate in disability‐specific programs aiming to improve their educational levels and labor market opportunities. They face a double burden of disability and poverty. In our study, we look at poor and non‐poor youth with disabilities (YPWD) who participate in vocational rehabilitation (VR) and whether VR helps them (a) in transitioning into employment and (b) in leaving poverty. We examine the association between the receipt of initial basic income support (BIS) as a poverty indicator, later labor market outcomes, and earned vocational qualification using administrative data. We make use of a sample of all persons accepted for VR in 2010 (N = 36,645). We employ logit models on VR attendees’ labor market outcomes three and five years after being accepted for VR as well as on their earned vocational qualifications. Beside initial poverty status, we control for educational level, type, and degree of disability and program pattern during the VR process. Our findings show that YPWD from poor households have a decreased likelihood of a vocational certificate and employment. Additionally, they are more likely to receive BIS than young people not from poor households and thus more likely to remain poor. In conclusion, VR seems to support poor YPWD less in their school‐to‐work transitions. Thus, disability‐specific programs should be more tailored to the social situations of participants, and counsellors should be more sensitive to their social backgrounds.

In the current context of the COVID-19 pandemic, working from home (WFH) became of great importance for a large share of employees since it represents the only option to both continue working and minimise the risk of virus exposure. Uncertainty about the duration of the pandemic and future contagion waves even led companies to view WFH as a ‘new normal’ way of working. Based on influence function regression methods, this paper explores the potential consequences in the labour income distribution related to a long-lasting increase in WFH feasibility among Italian employees. Results show that a positive shift in WFH feasibility would be associated with an increase in average labour income, but this potential benefit would not be equally distributed among employees. Specifically, an increase in the opportunity to WFH would favour male, older, high-educated, and high-paid employees. However, this ‘forced innovation’ would benefit more employees living in provinces have been more affected by the novel coronavirus. WFH thus risks exacerbating pre-existing inequalities in the labour market, especially if it will not be adequately regulated. As a consequence, this study suggests that policies aimed at alleviating inequality, like income support measures (in the short run) and human capital interventions (in the long run), should play a more important compensating role in the future.

Context: The robust relationship between socioeconomic factors and health suggests that social and economic policies might substantially affect health, while other evidence suggests that medical care, the main focus of current health policy, may not be the primary determinant of population health. Income support policies are one promising avenue to improve population health. This study examines whether the federal cash transfer program to poor elderly, the Supplemental Security Income (SSI) program, affects old-age disability. Methods: This study uses the 1990 and 2000 censuses, employing state and year fixed-effect models, to test whether within-state changes in maximum SSI benefits over time lead to changes in disability among people aged sixty-five and older. Findings: Higher benefits are linked to lower disability rates. Among all single elderly individuals, 30 percent have mobility limitations, and an increase of $100 per month in the maximum SSI benefit caused the rate of mobility limitations to fall by 0.46 percentage points. The findings were robust to sensitivity analyses. First, analyses limited to those most likely to receive SSI produced larger effects, but analyses limited to those least likely to receive SSI produced no measurable effect. Second, varying the disability measure did not meaningfully alter the findings. Third, excluding the institutionalized, immigrants, individuals living in states with exceptionally large benefit changes, and individuals living in states with no SSI supplements did not change the substantive conclusions. Fourth, Medicaid did not confound the effects. Finally, these results were robust for married individuals. Conclusions: Income support policy may be a significant new lever for improving population health, especially that of lower-income persons. Even though the findings are robust, further analyses are needed to confirm their reliability. Future research should examine a variety of different income support policies, as well as whether a broader range of social and economic policies after health.