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result(s) for
"Income tax France History 20th century."
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Top incomes in France in the twentieth century : inequality and redistribution, 1901-1998
A landmark in contemporary social science, this pioneering work by Thomas Piketty explains the facts and dynamics of income inequality in France in the twentieth century. On its publication in French in 2001, it helped launch the international program led by Piketty and others to explore the grand patterns and causes of global inequality--research that has since transformed public debate. Appearing here in English for the first time, this stunning achievement will take its place alongside Capital in the Twenty-First Century as a modern classic of economic analysis. Top Incomes in France in the Twentieth Century is essential in part because of Piketty's unprecedented efforts to uncover, untangle, and present in clear form data about patterns in tax and inheritance in France dating back to 1900. But it is also an exceptional work of analysis, tracking and explaining with Piketty's characteristically lucid prose the effects of political conflict, war, and social change on the economic pressures and public policies that determined the lives of millions. A work of unusual intellectual power and ambition, Top Incomes in France in the Twentieth Century is vital reading for anyone concerned with the economic, political, and social history of France, and it is central to ongoing debates about social justice, inequality, taxation, and the evolution of capitalism around the world.-- Provided by publisher
ON THE LONG-RUN EVOLUTION OF INHERITANCE: FRANCE 1820—2050
2011
This article attempts to document and account for the long-run evolution of inheritance. We find that in a country like France the annual flow of inheritance was about 20—25% of national income between 1820 and 1910, down to less than 5% in 1950, and back up to about 15% by 2010. A simple theoretical model of wealth accumulation, growth, and inheritance can fully account for the observed U-shaped pattern and levels. Using this model, we find that under plausible assumptions the annual bequest flow might reach about 20—25% of national income by 2050. This corresponds to a capitalized bequest share in total wealth accumulation well above 100%. Our findings illustrate the fact that when the growth rate g is small, and when the rate of return to private wealth r is permanently and substantially larger than the growth rate (say, r = 4—5% versus g = 1—2%), which was the case in the nineteenth century and early twentieth century and is likely to happen again in the twenty-first century, then past wealth and inheritance are bound to play a key role for aggregate wealth accumulation and the structure of lifetime inequality. Contrary to a widespread view, modern economic growth did not kill inheritance.
Journal Article
Income Inequality in France, 1901–1998
2003
This paper uses data from income tax returns (1915–98), wage tax returns (1919–98), and inheritance tax returns (1902–94) in order to compute homogeneous, yearly estimates of income, wage, and wealth inequality for twentieth‐century France. The main conclusion is that the decline in income inequality that took place during the first half of the century was mostly accidental. In France, and possibly in a number of other countries as well, wage inequality has been extremely stable in the long run, and the secular decline in income inequality is for the most part a capital income phenomenon. Holders of large fortunes were badly hurt by major shocks during the 1914–45 period, and they were never able to fully recover from these shocks, probably because of the dynamic effects of progressive taxation on capital accumulation and pretax income inequality.
Journal Article
Wealth Concentration in a Developing Economy: Paris and France, 1807-1994
by
Piketty, Thomas
,
Rosenthal, Jean-Laurent
,
Postel-Vinay, Gilles
in
20th century
,
Age groups
,
Archives & records
2006
Using large samples of estate tax returns, we construct new series on wealth concentration in Paris and France from 1807 to 1994. Inequality increased until 1914 because industrial and financial estates grew dramatically. Then, adverse shocks, rather than a Kuznets-type process, led to a massive decline in inequality. The very high wealth concentration prior to 1914 benefited retired individuals living off capital income (rentiers) rather than entrepreneurs. The very rich were in their seventies and eighties, whereas they had been in their fifties a half century earlier and would be so again after World War II. Our results shed new light on ongoing debates about wealth inequality and growth.
Journal Article
The Origins of Tax Systems: A French‐American Comparison
2009
This article examines the origins of tax systems. Through a historical comparison of France and the United States, and analysis of several shadow cases, the article explains why the United States has relied more heavily on progressive income taxation than France, which has favored regressive sales taxes. This study traces the origins of these two tax systems to the early 20th century, arguing that decisions about tax structure were shaped by resistance to the concentration of economic power in the United States and the centralization of state power in France. In the United States, the rapid concentration of economic power in the late 19th century spurred a political movement for a tax with clear redistributive purposes. In France, resistance to the centralization of state power and concomitant fears of \"fiscal inquisition\" weakened the drive for an effective income tax, leaving the state to rely on consumption taxes to meet its revenue needs. These 19th-century movements of resistance to modernization shaped the foundations of contemporary political economy. Adapted from the source document.
Journal Article
Can countries reverse fertility decline? Evidence from France’s marriage and baby bonuses, 1929–1981
2011
A number of countries have begun implementing tax incentives designed to reverse the decline in fertility. Whether such incentives are effective or equitable remains an open question. During the early twentieth century, France initiated an unusual tax policy to promote fertility and marriage: Household income was divided by family size to obtain a final tax bracket. The policy was regressive in that fertility incentives were so large and greatest among the rich. Similar policies whose fertility benefit increases with income are being implemented today. Using hand-collected archival data from aggregate tax returns and three natural experiments, I find mixed evidence that these kinds of tax incentives affect fertility and marriage.
Journal Article
Interregional Inequalities, Convergence, and Growth in France from 1840 to 1911
2014
The “patente” was a business tax levied upon non-agricultural businesses in proportion to their presumed profitability. I use the amount of this tax to calculate non-agricultural value-added of French local districts (départements). I thus derive an approximation of gross domestic product per département for each decade from 1840 to 1910 using agricultural added value calculated by Toutain [1992]. I finally use this new data set to: (i) assess the evolution of inter-départemental inequalities and (ii) analyse GDPper capitaconvergence among départements. The results show that départements' GDPper capitadispersion slowly declines after 1890 whereas wealth concentration increases in the Paris region.
JEL: N33, O47, R11. / KEY WORDS: GDP, Interregional Inequalities, Convergence, Growth.
Journal Article
The decision to exclude agricultural and domestic workers from the 1935 Social Security Act
The Social Security Act of 1935 excluded from coverage about half the workers in the American economy. Among the excluded groups were agricultural and domestic workers-a large percentage of whom were African Americans. This has led some scholars to conclude that policymakers in 1935 deliberately excluded African Americans from the Social Security system because of prevailing racial biases during that period. This article examines both the logic of this thesis and the available empirical evidence on the origins of the coverage exclusions. The author concludes that the racial-bias thesis is both conceptually flawed and unsupported by the existing empirical evidence. The exclusion of agricultural and domestic workers from the early program was due to considerations of administrative feasibility involving tax-collection procedures. The author finds no evidence of any other policy motive involving racial bias.
Journal Article