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Exposure to tobacco, alcohol and fast-food use in films is associated with initiation of these behaviours. India is the world's largest film producer, but the extent of such imagery in Bollywood (Hindi cinema) films is unclear. We therefore aimed to describe the extent of and trends in tobacco, alcohol and fast-food imagery in Bollywood films, between 1994-2013. For the 15 top-grossing films each year between 1994-2013, the number of five-minute intervals containing product images were determined separately for tobacco, alcohol and fast-food. Both the proportion of films containing at least one image occurrence, and occurrences per film, were described overall and by year. Negative binomial regression described associations between film rating and occurrences/film, and estimated time-trends in occurrences/film, adjusted for rating. We analysed 93 U-rated (unrestricted), 150 U/A-rated (parental guidance for children aged <12 years) and 55 A-rated (restricted to adult audience) films, containing 9,226 five-minute intervals (mean intervals/film 30.8, SD 4.0). 70% (n = 210), 93% (n = 278) and 21% (n = 62) of films contained at least one tobacco, alcohol and fast-food occurrence, respectively. Corresponding total mean occurrences/film were 4.0 (SD 4.9), 7.0 (4.7) and 0.4 (0.9). Tobacco occurrences were more common in U/A films (incidence rate ratio 1.49, 95% confidence interval 1.06-2.09) and A films (2.95; 1.95-4.48) than U-rated films. Alcohol occurrences were also more common in A-rated films than U-rated films (1.48; 1.15-1.85). Tobacco occurrences/film became less common over the observed period (adjusted trend -4% per annum; -2 to -7%; p <0.001), while alcohol (+2%; 0-3%; p = 0.02), and fast food (+8%; 2-14%; p = 0.01) occurrences/film became more common. Although the extent of tobacco imagery in Bollywood films fell over 1994-2013, it is still frequently observed. Alcohol imagery is widespread, even in U-rated films, and trends in both alcohol and fast-food imagery are upwards.

Exposure to tobacco, alcohol and fast-food use in films is associated with initiation of these behaviours. India is the world's largest film producer, but the extent of such imagery in Bollywood (Hindi cinema) films is unclear. We therefore aimed to describe the extent of and trends in tobacco, alcohol and fast-food imagery in Bollywood films, between 1994-2013. For the 15 top-grossing films each year between 1994-2013, the number of five-minute intervals containing product images were determined separately for tobacco, alcohol and fast-food. Both the proportion of films containing at least one image occurrence, and occurrences per film, were described overall and by year. Negative binomial regression described associations between film rating and occurrences/film, and estimated time-trends in occurrences/film, adjusted for rating. We analysed 93 U-rated (unrestricted), 150 U/A-rated (parental guidance for children aged <12 years) and 55 A-rated (restricted to adult audience) films, containing 9,226 five-minute intervals (mean intervals/film 30.8, SD 4.0). 70% (n = 210), 93% (n = 278) and 21% (n = 62) of films contained at least one tobacco, alcohol and fast-food occurrence, respectively. Corresponding total mean occurrences/film were 4.0 (SD 4.9), 7.0 (4.7) and 0.4 (0.9). Tobacco occurrences were more common in U/A films (incidence rate ratio 1.49, 95% confidence interval 1.06-2.09) and A films (2.95; 1.95-4.48) than U-rated films. Alcohol occurrences were also more common in A-rated films than U-rated films (1.48; 1.15-1.85). Tobacco occurrences/film became less common over the observed period (adjusted trend -4% per annum; -2 to -7%; p <0.001), while alcohol (+2%; 0-3%; p = 0.02), and fast food (+8%; 2-14%; p = 0.01) occurrences/film became more common. Although the extent of tobacco imagery in Bollywood films fell over 1994-2013, it is still frequently observed. Alcohol imagery is widespread, even in U-rated films, and trends in both alcohol and fast-food imagery are upwards.

Exposure to tobacco, alcohol and fast-food use in films is associated with initiation of these behaviours. India is the world's largest film producer, but the extent of such imagery in Bollywood (Hindi cinema) films is unclear. We therefore aimed to describe the extent of and trends in tobacco, alcohol and fast-food imagery in Bollywood films, between 1994-2013. For the 15 top-grossing films each year between 1994-2013, the number of five-minute intervals containing product images were determined separately for tobacco, alcohol and fast-food. Both the proportion of films containing at least one image occurrence, and occurrences per film, were described overall and by year. Negative binomial regression described associations between film rating and occurrences/film, and estimated time-trends in occurrences/film, adjusted for rating. We analysed 93 U-rated (unrestricted), 150 U/A-rated (parental guidance for children aged <12 years) and 55 A-rated (restricted to adult audience) films, containing 9,226 five-minute intervals (mean intervals/film 30.8, SD 4.0). 70% (n = 210), 93% (n = 278) and 21% (n = 62) of films contained at least one tobacco, alcohol and fast-food occurrence, respectively. Corresponding total mean occurrences/film were 4.0 (SD 4.9), 7.0 (4.7) and 0.4 (0.9). Tobacco occurrences were more common in U/A films (incidence rate ratio 1.49, 95% confidence interval 1.06-2.09) and A films (2.95; 1.95-4.48) than U-rated films. Alcohol occurrences were also more common in A-rated films than U-rated films (1.48; 1.15-1.85). Tobacco occurrences/film became less common over the observed period (adjusted trend -4% per annum; -2 to -7%; p <0.001), while alcohol (+2%; 0-3%; p = 0.02), and fast food (+8%; 2-14%; p = 0.01) occurrences/film became more common. Although the extent of tobacco imagery in Bollywood films fell over 1994-2013, it is still frequently observed. Alcohol imagery is widespread, even in U-rated films, and trends in both alcohol and fast-food imagery are upwards.

Examining the filmmaker Satyajit Ray’s engagements with religious questions with reference to his films Devi (The Goddess), Mahapurush (The Holy Man), Ashani Sanket (Distant Thunder), Sadgati (Deliverance) and Ganashatru (A Public Enemy), this essay assesses the influence of Ray’s Brahmo inheritance, his personal atheism/agnosticism and his cultural fascination with Hinduism in his representations of women’s status and caste discrimination. It concludes that although Ray’s approach to Hinduism was far from one-dimensional or sectarian, its negative social consequences were emphasized more in his work than any positive role it might play in society and culture.

Based on ethnographic research, in this article I suggest that with the consumption of Indian film and film-mediated culture and modernity, India’s cultural hegemony and class inequalities in Bangladesh are reinforced. Following Bourdieu’s (1984) concept of “distinction,” I explain how middle-class values and status are attached to Hindi popular cinema in Bangladesh; as a result, Hindi film and film-mediated culture and modernity are considered to be tasteful, polished, well executed, and technically savvy compared to Bangladeshi commercial films, which are seen as poor people’s entertainment. The hegemony of Bollywood films in Bangladesh works through the consumption of the production and representational values that are attached to film’s story, music, dance, fashion, and style, as well as the people involved in it. While consuming Bollywood film and film-promoted culture and modernity, the middle class reinforces Indian cultural hegemony, alienating them from Bangladeshi commercial films that they define as low-grade, crass, and lacking in production values.

How does the Indian movie industry recoup, rebuild and rejuvenate post-COVID-19? Are there new pathways opening up? Is digitization one of them? These are the hot topics that are being discussed by practitioners in the Indian movie industry, since the global pandemic, COVID-19, reduced India as a nation from a thriving movie industry to a struggling movie industry. They are illustrative of entrepreneurial failure in the Indian movie industry, exposed by COVID-19. There is an urgent need to develop alternate pathways for revenue generation to protect the Indian movie industry from further decline. With close to 2000 movies being released each year, the movie industry was one of the largest employment-generating industries in India, bringing both income and joy to people's lives in a nation beset by vast differences in wealth. However, it has been based on theatrical exhibition rather than digitization, with a lukewarm response to digital providers, to its detriment. During the pandemic, lack of digital innovation flipped from 'might do' to 'must do' in order to ensure the many family businesses in the Indian movie industry survive and monetize developed content. Though India's poor lost out on their share of entertainment due to screen closures, digitization ensured that the growing middle class could be catered to. However, the business model is rapidly changing and the role of the producer as an entrepreneur is diminishing because artists and technicians are directly striking deals and developing content with funding from digital providers.

In the postcolonial nation state that is India, cinema has become an important tool for propagating the idea of nationalism. In recent times, one of the most controversial components of Hindu nationalism has been the hate campaign against what is termed as 'love-jihad', which is deployed as a weapon to mobilize, polarize, and communalize citizens. The Indian Hindi-language film industry, popularly known as Bollywood, has also become a controversial site. In this paper, I argue that if 'Indian nationalism' is to be represented as 'Hindu nationalism' and 'Indian culture' as 'Hindu culture,' it logically follows that this majoritarian construction needs the minority 'Other' to reinforce this notion of nationalism and culture. To make my point, I shall critically look at the representation of Muslims in contemporary Bollywood films. My analysis deploys Edward Said's notion of representation and knowledge as imbricated in issues of power, class, and materiality. Using Said's theoretical framework of Orientalism, this paper elucidates how specific popular Bollywood films in the historical genre have dealt with the liminality of the Muslim 'Other' in the nation-space by either representing Muslims in stereotypical ways or by vilifying their image. This paper adopts the textual analysis method (that is, it reads the films as texts). I posit that the representation of Muslims in Bollywood films could be divided into two broad segments: representation of Muslims in the context of 'love-jihad' and the effect of 'love-jihad' on Bollywood.