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This symposium takes as its point of departure two books by Massimo Livi Bacci, Conquest and El Dorado in the Marshes, published in English in 2008 and 2010. Livi Bacci assesses widely varying estimates of the demographic dimensions of the collapse of the native populations following their contact with Europeans and elucidates the proximate causes of that catastrophe. Drawing on models that combine production potential with demography, environment, and technology, Shripad Tuljapurkar discusses analogous historical experiences of the populations of Polynesia and the social transformation they entailed. David S. Reher argues that explanations of the estimated demographic dynamics need to take into account the negative fertility responses of the indigenous population to the disruption of their traditional way of life. Focusing on the biological aspects of immunity to diseases such as smallpox, Andrew Noymer demonstrates that infectious diseases alone could not account for the Indios' population collapse. The contributions to this symposium are based on presentations at a session at the 2010 Annual Meeting of the Population Association of America, held in Dallas, Texas, that examined the demographic consequences of the Spanish Conquest of the Caribbean region and of South America in light of the two books.

We examine the extent to which social networks among indigenous peoples in Mexico have a significant effect on a variety of human capital investment and economic activities, such as school attendance and work among teenage boys and girls, and migration, welfare participation, employment status, occupation, and sector of employment among adult males and females. Using data from the 10 percent population sample of the 2000 Population and Housing Census of Mexico and the empirical strategy that Bertrand, Luttmer, and Mullainathan (2000) propose, which allows us to take into account the role of municipality and language group fixed effects, we confirm empirically that social network effects play an important role in the economic decisions of indigenous people, especially in rural areas. Our analysis also provides evidence that better access to basic services such as water and electricity increases the size and strength of network effects in rural areas. Investigamos hasta qué punto las redes sociales entre pueblos indígenas tienen un efecto significativo para una variedad de inversiones de capital humano y de actividades económicas, tal como la asistencia escolar y el trabajo entre niños y niñas adolescentes, y la migración, la participación a prestaciones sociales, la situación laboral, la profesión y el sector laboral entre adultos de sexo masculino y femenino. Utilizando datos de la muestra del 10 por ciento del Censo de Población y Vivienda 2000 de México y la estrategia empírica propuesta por Bertrand y otros (2000) que nos permite tener en cuenta el papel de efectos fijos de municipio y grupo de lenguaje, confirmamos empíricamente que los efectos de redes sociales juegan un papel importante en las decisiones económicas de personas indígenas, especialmente en zonas rurales. Nuestro análisis también proporciona pruebas de que un mejor acceso a los servicios básicos como el agua y la electricidad aumentan el tamaño y la fuerza de los efectos de redes en zonas rurales.

Despite extensive literature both supporting and critiquing the Green Revolution, surprisingly little attention has been paid to synthetic fertilizers'health and environmental effects or indigenous farmers' perspectives. The introduction of agrochemicals in the mid-twentieth century was a watershed event for many Mayan farmers in Guatemala. While some Maya hailed synthetic fertilizers' immediate effectiveness as a relief from famines and migrant labor, others lamented the long-term deterioration of their public health, soil quality, and economic autonomy. Since the rising cost of agrochemicals compelled Maya to return to plantation labor in the 1970s, synthetic fertilizers simply shifted, rather than alleviated, Mayan dependency on the cash economy. By highlighting Mayan farmers' historical narratives and delineating the relationship between agricultural science and postwar geopolitics, the constraints on agriculturists' agency become clear. In the end, politics, more than technology or agricultural performance, influenced Guatemala's shift toward the Green Revolution.

By the end of Spanish rule in 1821 the region's Native population had been reduced to about twenty-one diousand persons, and all had been incorporated into the new order as an impoverished, abject class of Indians subordinate to the designs of the Spanish state and the colonial residents who settled there.4 Indians who entered the Franciscan mission communities of Alta California confronted a religious and sexual discipline that clashed sharply with traditional Native forms of sexuality, intimacy, and biological and social reproduction. In defense of their conduct, they employed a discourse that appropriated Spanish legal traditions regarding the inherent rights, privileges, and protections Native inhabitants were entitled to under Spanish law, religious and cultural prejudices concerning their racial and cultural inferiority, and deeper Christian conceptions of morality and sin.

In their zeal to transform rural society during the 1920s, Mexican educators undertook a number of projects that in retrospect seem unusual. Fancying themselves as the intellectual heirs of the earliest Catholic friars, they sent “missionaries” into the countryside to preach the gospel of progress, developed rigid definitions of the appropriate forms of rural living, and even taught school children in Mexico City to paint according to pre-Colombian styles in order to build a harmonious nation. These were indeed creative ideas, but none was more imaginative than the decision to establish a Rural Normal School in the midst of the largest urban center in the country. Established in the Anáhuac neighborhood of Mexico City in 1926, the Casa del Estudiante Indígena was hailed as the centerpiece of the government's commitment to Indian education. Inside the Casa a culturally diverse student population, speaking mutually unintelligible languages, would be transformed into models of the national culture. They would adopt modern dress and practices, learn perfect Spanish, and in turn bring the benefits of modernity to their home communities.

On the 17th of August 1671, Manuel de Morales, a 49-year-old Angolan slave employed on a Dominican-owned sugar plantation in the Pacific coastal hotlands of what is now the republic of Guatemala, came before a priest and declared his intention to marry. Accompanying Morales was his proposed spouse, Inés Hernández, an Indian widow from the nearby town of Escuintla, capital of the colonial Guatemalan corregimiento of Escuintepeque in which the Dominican ingenio lay. Four male witnesses testified to the soundness of the proposed marriage between Morales and Hernández, two on behalf of each contrayente, or prospective spouse. Three of the witnesses were slaves: Silvestre Ramírez, defined as mulatto, and Jacinto Pereira and Miguel de la Cruz, both identified as black. The fourth was Diego de Arriasa, mulatto and free.

Much has been written about race and race stereotyping in Brazil in relation to African-Brazilians and their mixed African-European descendants. The situation of Indians and their mixed-blood descendants has been studied much less. In fact, the word mestizo as it is used in Spanish America does not translate well into Portuguese, for in Portuguese a mestiço can be any mixture. In the case of Brazil, it can mean either a descendant of Indian-European parents or of African-European parents. This paper studies racial classifications in seventeenth, eighteenth, and early nineteenth-century São Paulo. São Paulo was a unique region in colonial Brazil and, because of its unique history, these findings cannot be automatically extrapolated to all other parts of Brazil. São Paul was very poor, especially if compared to the northeast, and later to Minas Gerais, the center of the gold and diamond mining region. Though the town was founded in 1554, it lacked exportable natural resources until the late eighteenth century, so that the economy was partly based on the raising of a few cattle and crops for subsistence or for sale locally or to other regions of Brazil. The labor needs of Paulistas (inhabitants of São Paulo) were met through exploratory and slaving expeditions called bandeiras that replenished their Indian labor force or else provided captives to be sold to other parts of Brazil. Though there were a few African slaves in São Paulo in the seventeenth century, the settlers could not afford them in substantial numbers until the second half of the eighteenth century.

Context: Levels of modern contraceptive knowledge and use among people living in rural areas of Guatemala differ substantially from those of people living in urban areas. Understanding the pace and extent of rural-to-urban migrants' adoption of urban contraceptive practices is important in determining if there is a strong need for migrant-focused reproductive health programs. Methods: Bivariate and multivariate analyses of data on 971 married male and female respondents in the 1999 Guatemalan Migration and Reproductive Health Survey were used to examine how migration status and duration of residence in an urban area are associated with knowledge of modern contraceptive methods and current contraceptive use. Results: Migrants' contraceptive knowledge was positively associated with the number of years they had lived in an urban area. Mayan migrants in Guatemala City did not accumulate contraceptive knowledge at the same rate as nonMayan migrants, perhaps due to cultural and linguistic barriers to obtaining knowledge of and access to contraceptives. Rural-to-urban migrants eventually achieve a level of modern contraceptive use slightly below that of urban nonmigrants, with the level of contraceptive knowledge being an important factor associated with use of modern methods. Conclusions: Migrants possess limited knowledge of modern contraceptive methods and, therefore, may experience unmet need for contraception or may have a limited choice of modern contraceptive methods during their first years in an urban destination. Programs designed to raise contraceptive awareness and use should target recent migrants-particularly indigenous Mayans-in urban areas.