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"Indigenous Political Actors"
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We eat our own
\"When a struggling actor in 1970s New York gets the call that an enigmatic director wants him for an art film set in the Amazon, he doesn't hesitate: he flies to South America, no questions asked. He quickly realizes he's made a mistake. He's replacing another actor who quit after seeing the script--a script the director now claims doesn't exist. The movie is over budget. The production team seems headed for a breakdown. The air is so wet that the celluloid film disintegrates. But what the actor doesn't realize is that the greatest threat might be the town itself, and the mysterious shadow economy that powers this remote jungle outpost\"-- Provided by publisher.
Book
Abdelkrim: Whose Hero is He? The Politics of Contested Memory in Today's Morocco
One of the many, albeit less noticed, features of the uprisings which have cascaded back and forth across the Middle East and North Africa this past year has been the increasing salience of the Amazigh (Berber) factor. In Libya, the small and generally forgotten Amazigh community played an important role in the fighting against Muammar al-Qaddafi's forces. In Morocco, the constitutional reform undertaken by King Mohammed VI included the recognition of Tamazight, the Berber language spoken by an estimated 40%-45% of Morocco's 31 million people, as an official language of the state, alongside Arabic. An integral part of the Amazigh awakening has involved the renewed cultivation of links between the past and present. In Morocco, these efforts have been especially directed toward Mohammed bin Abdelkrim al-Khattabi, the leader of a five-year resistance to Spanish and French colonialism in northern Morocco between 1921 and 1926.
Journal Article
Dismantling Gaps and Myths: How Indigenous Political Actors Broke the Mold of Socioeconomic Development
For over two decades in Latin America, indigenous actors from diverse environments and political contexts have struggled for social, economic, and cultural rights and for control over the processes of social and economic development. The need to improve on existing socioeconomic development efforts for the greater benefit of indigenous groups is indisputable. Indigenous people are on average poorer and less well provisioned with basic services than other ethnocultural groups, and development programs have historically aimed to assimilate Indians through the destruction of distinctive cultures and the pursuit of Western-style modernity. The objective of this essay is to outline the main development difficulties faced by indigenous groups and analyze how their distinctive experiences have given rise to a highly creative rethinking and reworking of development models. Focusing mainly on Ecuador and its Andean neighbors, the author then discusses the constraints on this agenda-setting political action before drawing some conclusions about the feasibility and long-term consequences of their actions.
Journal Article
Voice in the Village: Indigenous Peoples Contest Globalization in Bolivia
The close of the twentieth century saw the unexpected rise of an indigenous peoples' rights movement in Latin America and worldwide, contesting 500 years of oppression and the emerging challenges of globalization. By the turn of the millennium, indigenous rights campaigns had gained a voice in local, national, and international political arenas. Yet the legacies of oppression and the pressures of globalization continue, and inclusion has translated only partially into empowerment. Bolivia provides a good case study in indigenous empowerment, since it is an indigenous majority country whose marginalized population has been struggling for rights in waves since the 1952 Revolution. After centuries of chronic marginalization, indigenous peoples found their voice in the era of globalization. The key to their mobilization was the transnational formation of a pan-indigenous identity, coalitions with global civil society, and a series of appeals to international institutions and grassroots supporters above and below blocked state institutions.
Journal Article
The Challenge of Indigenous Legal Systems: Beyond Paradigms of Recognition
Across Latin America, indigenous peoples have increasingly demanded that nation-states respect their culturally specific forms of governance and justice administration. Such demands form an essential part of their claims for autonomy and respect for their collective rights. As well as constituting a central aspect of indigenous peoples' identity, the existence of community-based systems of law reflects their lack of access to official justice systems, which systematically discriminate against them and fail to guarantee their fundamental rights. In this article the author will outline recent processes of legal \"recognition\" of indigenous justice systems, identifying the main issues of contention, advances, and challenges. Drawing on examples from Guatemala, Mexico, Ecuador, and Bolivia, he points to some of the innovative ways indigenous peoples are strengthening and revitalizing their justice practices, and then consider the broader implications of recent developments for politics and law in the region.
Journal Article
A New Morocco? Amazigh Activism, Political Pluralism and Anti–Anti-Semitism
For all the initial optimism about the rise of democracy in the Middle East and North Africa, the recent uprisings in the region (often termed \"the Arab Spring\") have come to be characterized in the West as a threat. European observers present the war in Libya, the broader instability in the region, and the seemingly new and uncontrollable tide of refugees and migrants across the Mediterranean as veritable crises on Europe's southern frontier. Meanwhile, Western security officials fear that the power vacuums created by the fall of authoritarian regimes in Egypt, Libya, Tunisia, and Yemen will create openings for \"radical\" Islamist groups and al-Qaeda affiliates in particular. In this essay the author will draw on the case of Morocco and the decades-long struggle for Berber/Amazigh rights to argue that the uprisings mark the culmination of a long fight for cultural and political inclusion that bodes well for the future of pluralism in the region.
Journal Article
Practicing Sustainable Self-Determination: Indigenous Approaches to Cultural Restoration and Revitalization
Today there are approximately 370 million indigenous people living in over 70 states throughout the world, constituting five percent of the global population. Eighty percent of all biodiversity on the planet thrives in the twenty-two percent of global territories home to indigenous peoples. Increasingly, researchers recognize that the same forces that threaten biodiversity also threaten indigenous peoples' longstanding relationships with their homelands and the health and well-being of native communities. Ongoing environmental destruction jeopardizes the sustainable relationships indigenous nations have practiced for thousands of years, including land-based and water-based cultural practices such as gathering medicines, hunting, fishing, and farming. When addressing contemporary colonialism and cultural harm, it is important to understand that the indigenous rights discourse has limits and can only take struggles for land reclamation and justice so far. Indigenous mobilization around rights-based strategies premised on state recognition of indigenous self-determination has serious shortcomings in terms of redressing cultural harms and loss.
Journal Article
Participatory decision-making in the policy integration process: indigenous consultation and sustainable development in Mexico
This article explores the role of participation by indigenous peoples in Latin America in the political process of Environmental Policy Integration (EPI). Although the benefits of participation have been largely taken for granted, this article shows that participation makes the policy integration process even more complex. By selecting two cases of clean energy infrastructure projects (a wind power plant and a natural gas pipeline) in Mexico, whose policy processes included an indigenous consultation, this article traces the competing problem definitions in public policy debates and the resulting policy frame in relation to sustainable development. The goal is to assess the ways that indigenous consultation functions as a procedural EPI instrument aimed at boosting participation from a public that is largely composed by indigenous communities in the decision-making stage. This article contributes to the existing literature on policy integration in two ways: (1) it explores the role of participation by non-state actors in the policy integration process, especially in highly politicized policy areas such as energy and the environment, and (2) it identifies the limitations of applicability of policy integration literature, particularly in contexts where state–society interactions are radically different compared to Western countries, including Latin American countries inhabited by indigenous groups.
Journal Article
Polycentric governance of transit migration: A relational perspective from the Balkans and the Middle East
State and non-state actors interact in both formal and informal ways during migration governance. Yet, we know little about such interactions, especially in the field of transit migration, a largely regional phenomenon. Here the categories of migrants are fluid between refugees, regular and irregular migrants, including those from conflict regions. Governance takes place also informally. Building on relational theories in International Relations, this article introduces a novel relational approach to polycentric governance. I argue that at the centre of such governance are not simply institutions or migration regimes, but power-laden relations among governmental, non-governmental, supranational, and non-state actors, as well as sending and destination states. These form architectures of partially official, partially informal dynamics that govern transit migration in a particular world region. Such architectures are based on mechanisms of cooperation, conditionality, containment, contestation, and others, combined in regionally specific ways. The mechanisms manifest themselves differently depending on how actors are embedded in places with different political regimes and statehood capacities. The article illustrates this relational perspective to polycentric governance with comparative evidence from the Balkans and the Middle East.
Journal Article
Blame the victims? Refugees, state capacity, and non-state actor violence
Existing research argues that refugee inflows may increase the risk of domestic conflict, particularly civil war that, by definition, involves the state as an actor. However, many of the postulated mechanisms linking refugees to a higher risk of such conflict pertain to tensions with locals, which do not necessarily involve any grievances against government authorities. We contend that it is more likely to identify an association between refugees and non-state actor violence, that is, armed violence between organized non-state groups, neither of which pertains to the state. We also claim that the extent to which refugees are associated with a higher likelihood of non-state conflict depends on the capacity of governments to manage and mitigate risks. We report evidence that refugee populations can be linked to an increased risk of non-state conflict, as well as for a mitigating effect of state capacity on the risk of non-state conflicts in the presence of refugees. We do not find a clear effect of refugee populations on civil war, suggesting that the link depends on existing conflict cleavages relevant to mobilizing refugees or locals. Our research helps to shed light on the relevant security consequences of managing refugee populations. Despite the common arguments portraying refugees as security risks in developed countries, the risk of non-state conflict applies primarily to weak states that have been forced to shoulder a disproportionate burden in hosting refugees.
Journal Article