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\"Since the 1970s governments in Canada and Australia have introduced policies designed to recruit Indigenous people into public services. Today, there are thousands of Indigenous public servants in these countries, and hundreds in senior roles. Their presence raises numerous questions: How do Indigenous people experience public-sector employment? What perspectives do they bring to it? And how does Indigenous leadership enhance public policy making? A comparative study of Indigenous public servants in British Columbia and Queensland, Leading from Between addresses critical concerns about leadership, difference, and public service. Centring the voices, personal experiences, and understandings of Indigenous public servants, this book uses their stories and testimony to explore how Indigenous participation and leadership change the way policies are made. Articulating a new understanding of leadership and what it could mean in contemporary public service, Catherine Althaus and Ciaran O'Faircheallaigh challenge the public service sector to work towards a more personalized and responsive bureaucracy. At a time when Canada and Australia seek to advance reconciliation and self-determination agendas, Leading from Between shows how public servants who straddle the worlds of Western bureaucracy and Indigenous communities are key to helping governments meet the opportunities and challenges of growing diversity.\"-- Provided by publisher.

While Canadian law has started to seriously grapple with questions that relate to reconciliation with Indigenous communities and laws, much of the focus is on specific, often resource-based, projects. As a result, there has been relatively little attention paid to other aspects of reconciliation, such as how legal aspects of employment may be re-evaluated. Employment law is a useful place to start as employment is a fundamental aspect of a person’s life, providing both financial support and a contributory role in society. This paper examines how different societal values impact employment law and in particular, how Coast Salish worldviews and law may impact, facilitate, and resist, the employment legislation in force in British Columbia.

Forestry in British Columbia, Canada, is in transition. Social and environmental concerns, such as the conservation of old growth forests, reconciliation with indigenous peoples, increasing wildfires, climate change, and tree diseases are driving changes in forest management, production, stewardship, and tenure. Government, industry, and local communities are seeking ways to achieve a resilient, diverse, and innovative forest sector that reflects local and indigenous values. We explore the role of small-scale forestry in contributing to this objective. Drawing from an online survey of small-scale foresters, discussions, relevant literature, and policy documents, we examine the management priorities, definitions of success, opportunities, and challenges of small-scale forestry in British Columbia. We find a wide range of views among survey respondents, but some consensus on key policy and management issues. Small-scale foresters would like to see greater opportunities for diversification, increased revenues, opportunities for partnerships, and the removal of barriers that inhibit innovation and local decision-making. The diverse range of local perceptions demonstrates the richness of British Columbia’s forestry communities, and the problems of a one-size-fits-all forest policy. A long-term vision accommodating diverse preferences of small-scale forestry in British Columbia is missing from provincial forest policy. We summarize emerging opportunities for small-scale forestry and the ways in which governments, communities, industry, research institutions, and indigenous rights-holders can contribute towards resilient forest systems.

A rich and diverse tapestry weaving together the many voices, narratives, skills, and talents of women up and down the coastal Pacific Northwest who devote their lives and careers to the sea.

Background Aboriginal people in British Columbia (BC), especially those residing on Indian reserves, have higher risk of unintentional fall injury than the general population. We test the hypothesis that the disparities are attributable to a combination of socioeconomic status, geographic place, and Aboriginal ethnicity. Methods Within each of 16 Health Service Delivery Areas in BC, we identified three population groups: total population, Aboriginal off-reserve, and Aboriginal on-reserve. We calculated age and gender-standardized relative risks (SRR) of hospitalization due to unintentional fall injury (relative to the total population of BC), during time periods 1999–2003 and 2004–2008, and we obtained custom data from the 2001 and 2006 censuses (long form), describing income, education, employment, housing, proportions of urban and rural dwellers, and prevalence of Aboriginal ethnicity. We studied association of census characteristics with SRR of fall injury, by multivariable linear regression. Results The best-fitting model was an excellent fit ( R 2  = 0.854, p  < 0.001) and predicted SRRs very close to observed values for the total, Aboriginal off-reserve, and Aboriginal on-reserve populations of BC. After stepwise regression, the following terms remained: population per room, urban residence, labor force participation, income per capita, and multiplicative interactions of Aboriginal ethnicity with population per room and labor force participation. Conclusions The disparities are predictable by the hypothesized risk markers. Aboriginal ethnicity is not an independent risk marker: it modifies the effects of socioeconomic factors. Closing the gap in fall injury risk between the general and Aboriginal populations is likely achievable by closing the gaps in socioeconomic conditions.

Examining an aggregated sample (N = 8800) of residents who responded to one of 16 surveys undertaken in Prince George, British Columbia in the period from November 1997 to February 2005, it was found that satisfaction with the quality of life of unemployed residents is lower than that of residents with Aboriginal backgrounds and that satisfaction with the quality of life of the latter is still lower than that of young people. Nevertheless, satisfaction with the quality of life of young people was significantly lower than that of the total sampled population, as well as that of the selected mid-life and retirement groups. Regarding predictors of our three global dependent variables (satisfaction with life as a whole and with the overall quality of life, and happiness) for the three groups (unemployed, Aboriginals and youth) and the total population, we found that the Aboriginal group was most different from all others. Satisfaction with one's own self-esteem was the most influential predictor of each global indicator for every group except Aboriginal residents. For the latter, self-esteem satisfaction was only the strongest predictor of satisfaction with the overall quality of life. The strongest predictor of life satisfaction for the Aboriginal group was satisfaction with friendships, and there were two domain satisfaction scores tied (friendships and living partner) for most influential predictors of happiness. Self-esteem satisfaction ranked second in strength of influence on Aboriginal happiness and life satisfaction.

Focuses on the consultant's function dealing with the \"constitutionally landless\" indigenous populations of Canada based on the author's consulting work on behalf of the northern British Columbian Gitksan & Witsuwit'en peoples in a major land rights matter. Those working on aboriginal land rights cases must paradoxically be at once disinterested & cognizant of the financial colonialism that constrains research, as well as of the disempowerment & marginality of those whose rights are being litigated. 16 References. K. Coddon

The WPA has been variously described as an anti-Chinese organization, a form of anti-Orientalism, the first labour union in the province, and a political pressure group.(f.4) Each of these observations describes a particular feature of the Association. However, existing analyses of the WPA by prominent historians of British Columbia have neglected the significance of gendered racism and the influence of capitalist social relations at both the local and international levels, as well as incipient nationalist sentiments and the inferior political status of the Chinese. The two major examples are [Patricia E. Roy], who described the WPA as \"essentially\" a political pressure group with minor interests in encouraging employment of white men, and [W. Peter Ward] who, despite acknowledging its \"professed concern for working-class conditions in general,\" concluded that the WPA was \"essentially a vehicle for anti-Chinese agitation\".(f.5) Ward was correct to suggest that the racism found in the WPA was part of a broader anti-Asian process which marginalized the Chinese as outsiders and was underway before the WPA emerged.(f.69) That process included sporadic racist outbursts against Chinese gold miners and coal miners, as well as anti-Chinese organizations. Ward also claimed that the significance of early anti-Chinese organizations like the WPA lay in their constant rebirth which he attributed to British Columbia's obsession with \"race.\" However, the above discussion leads to the conclusion that efforts to explain the existence of the WPA in terms of the dominance of one type of inequality, such as racial discrimination, are suspect. Analysis of the Association in intersectional terms problematizes notions of singular identity: neither the Chinese nor the Euro-Canadians in the WPA were simply members of different \"races.\" For example, the former were subject to mutually reinforcing relations of subordination, while the latter acted primarily on what [Anthias] would call their contradictory location as members of a subordinate class who saw themselves as more worthy workers than the Chinese \"Other.\"(f.70) These types of intersection between class and status in the WPA occurred at a particular historical conjuncture, a formative period in the development of British Columbian society. Reserve lands were being assigned as a means of dealing with the presence and demands of Aboriginal peoples.(f.76) The economy was undergoing a transition from mercantile capitalism and independent commodity production, as found respectively in the activities of the Hudson's Bay Company and in gold mining, to industrial capitalism, represented by coal mining, shipbuilding, and small manufacturing. During this social and economic transformation new patterns of social and economic organization were emerging. Faced with economic and ideological uncertainty, members of the WPA used racism as a resource by mobilizing against a readily available \"Other\" that was easily targeted.(f.77) Former gold miners who found it necessary to pursue opportunities for wage labour joined other workers who became unemployed due to the depression of the 1870s.(f.78) Both groups were compelled by the emerging industrial capitalist order to sell their labour power in order to obtain a livelihood for themselves and their families. They were desperate for employment in a year of economic recession. Of 30 miners listed in the Victoria City Directory for 1878, several were speakers at WPA meetings or members of the Association's executive. Those adherents of the WPA who lost gainful employment or who were having to shift from being independent commodity producers to doing waged labour were coping with the experience of downward social mobility, a process found to be a major factor behind outbursts of xenophobia and racism.(f.79)

As the strike progressed, fewer original Muckamuck staff showed up to picket. Many had other jobs and some felt a need to maintain a low profile. To keep their current jobs, they did not want to be seen picketing. SORWUC members, other trade unionists and supporters became essential picketers. Most were white and the core picketers, reflective of SORWUC membership, were female. As legal proceedings against the management dragged on, and picketing persisted into the second year, SORWUC members spent a lot of time clarifying the confusing appearances which emerged from the strike as many First Nations people crossed a white picket line to work inside. Picketers were motivated by their determination to establish unions, and by the knowledge that the majority of original strikers supported their efforts, attended the three separate decertification hearings over the duration of the dispute and were prepared to return to work. Some First Nations people chose to join the strikebreakers for a number of reasons, including the confusion created by divisions within their community regarding the dispute, a lack of familiarity with unions and contempt encouraged by the employer for the \"white\" union. Finally on 25 April 1981, the LRB made a ruling on the various applications by SORWUC. Their main finding was that the Muckamuck management had not bargained in good faith. By October 1981 the owners had no assets in BC.(f.60) On 1 March 1983 the LRB finally applied remedies to their previous ruling, having waited until they heard an application for certification by the strikebreakers as a new association. The LRB ruled that management owed the union $10,000 in compensation.(f.61) SORWUC has never been able to collect this money, as the employer moved back to the United States. New owners set up a grocery store on the main floor of the property. Malcolm McSporrum, a local architect and supporter of First Nations issues, viewed the downstairs of the property and discovered that the setting and equipment of the restaurant remained. He contacted some former Muckamuck strikers and suggested they could be part owners in a new restaurant he would help finance. The Quilicum, a restaurant serving First Nations cuisine was reopened and a few First Nations people (including a former Muckamuck striker) have majority shares.(f.62) The analysis of the role of the union can be extended further by examining the contradictions and conflicts First Nations workers experienced within SORWUC. Although SORWUC was ideologically committed to racial issues, the leaders and activists of SORWUC were female, mostly white and functioned within an adversarial and hierarchial trade union structure and culture. First Nations peoples' ways of dealing with conflict, negotiation and decision-making were not introduced into the process. This imposition of values and culture on the First Nations workers could explain in part the eventual departures of strikers from the picket line. First Nations workers spoke on the specific strike situation in public forums, but did not speak on behalf of SORWUC as a union. Nor did First Nations workers take an activist position within SORWUC or other trade unions.

The book is full of Haida names for places, people, plants, and animals as well as mythic creation stories placed in the context of contemporary issues concerning local employment versus corporate interests and environmental degradation versus sustainability, all of which play out in conflicting views about local priorities such as health and education versus Haida rights and title. The issue of Aboriginal title and rights is much more than a legal issue, for it conflicts with a deeply entrenched way of life - a way of life that has been taken for granted until the recent interrelated global events of economic meltdown and climate change.