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"Indo-Pacific Region Strategic aspects."
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Geopolitics and the Indo-Pacific Region
\"Exploring the geopolitics of the Indo-Pacific region, a major hub of global economic/commercial, military, diplomatic and cultural activities in the 21st century, this textbook provides students with an introduction to the existing debates, frameworks and issues surrounding the Indo-Pacific. The book explains the historical background to highlight the significance of the region, the shift of power from West to East and the importance of the growing connectivity between Asia-Pacific and the Indo-Pacific areas. Covering relations between China and the USA, India, Vietnam and China's southern neighbours in South East Asia, along with Japan, Taiwan, Australia, Sri Lanka and Myanmar, it presents the different arguments regarding the caveats and meaning of 'Indo-Pacific.' In so doing, it shows that the region is the \"theatre\" of great power and middle power competition and suggests that third parties have an area of autonomy in their dealing with the American and Chinese leaders. Complete with a list of further readings, Geopolitics and the Indo-Pacific Region fills a gap in the market and will be of great interest to upper level undergraduates, postgraduate students and researchers studying International Relations, IPE, Geopolitics, Asian Politics and Asian Security Studies\"-- Provided by publisher.
Book
The Future of the United States—Australia Alliance
The United States-Australia alliance has been an important component of the US-led system of alliances that has underpinned regional security in the Indo-Pacific since 1945. However, recent geostrategic developments, in particular the rise of the People’s Republic of China, have posed significant challenges to this US-led regional order. In turn, the growing strategic competition between these two great powers has generated challenges to the longstanding US-Australia alliance. Both the US and Australia are confronting a changing strategic environment, and, as a result, the alliance needs to respond to the challenges that they face. The US needs to understand the challenges and risks to this vital relationship, which is growing in importance, and take steps to manage it. On its part, Australia must clearly identify its core common interests with the US and start exploring what more it needs to do to attain its stated policy preferences.
This book consists of chapters exploring US and Australian perspectives of the Indo-Pacific, the evolution of Australia-US strategic and defence cooperation, and the future of the relationship. Written by a joint US-Australia team, the volume is aimed at academics, analysts, students, and the security and business communities.
eBook
The rise and fall of the Indo-Pacific
\"In the 21st century, the Indo-Pacific region has become the new centre of the world. The concept of the 'Indo-Pacific', though still under construction, is a potentially 'pivotal' site, where various institutions and intellectuals of statecraft are seeking common ground on which to anchor new regional coalitions, alliances. and allies to better serve their respective national agendas. The rise and fall of the Indo-Pacific explores the 'Indo-Pacific' as an ambiguous and hotly contested regional security construction. It critically examines the major drivers behind the revival of classical geopolitical concepts and their deployment through different national lenses. The book also analyses the presence of India and the U.S in the Indo-Pacific, and the manner in which China has reacted to their positions in the Indo-Pacific to date. It suggests that national constructions of the Indo-Pacific region are more informed by domestic political realities, anti-Chinese bigotries, distinctive properties of 21st century U.S hegemony, and narrow nation-statist sentiments rather than genuine pan-regional aspirations.\"--Back cover.
Book
The geopolitical power shift in the Indo-Pacific region
As the twenty-first century progresses, the Indo-Pacific theater is experiencing an unprecedented transformation involving economic development, military build-ups, political reforms, social changes, and technological advancements. The region now reflects a multitude of geopolitical challenges, factors, and complicated realities. Although America is still recognized as the most powerful force in the Indo-Pacific region, the challenge to America’s hegemonic role is quite real and unrelenting. The ongoing global financial crisis has left a changed world with unanswered questions in its wake. Is America’s post-WWII dominance of the Indo-Pacific region finally coming to an end? Can the United States and China work together to manage the region’s hegemonic responsibilities? In The Geopolitical Power Shift in the Indo-Pacific Region, Randall Doyle provides analysis and insights on the transformational changes and the epochal history unfolding in this part of the world and America’s increasingly precarious political and economic position.
eBook
Maritime cooperation and security in the Indo-Pacific region : essays in honour of Sam Bateman
\"More than twenty Indo-Pacific scholars and emerging experts come together in this definitive volume to deliver fresh perspectives and original research on maritime cooperation and security. With subjects ranging from the Philippines to Antarctica, Coast Guards to climate change, these essays pay tribute to the late Commodore Sam Bateman (PhD) while laying the academic groundwork for the improved policies and behaviours that provide for improved good order at sea\"-- Provided by publisher.
BOOK
The \Free and Open Indo-Pacific\ and Implications for ASEAN
In recent times, the United States, Japan and Australia have all promoted extremely similar visions of a Free and Open Indo-Pacific as the central organizing concept to guide their efforts in the region. The concept is essentially a reaffirmation of the security and economic rules-based order which was cobbled together after the Second World War - especially as it relates to freedom of the regional and global commons such as sea, air and cyberspace, and the way nations conduct economic relations. Be that as it may, the Free and Open Indo-Pacific is an updated vision of collective action to defend, strengthen and advance that order. It signals a greater acceptance by the two regional allies of the U.S. of their security burden and takes into account the realities of China's rise and the relative decline in dominance of the U.S. The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and its member states continue to delay any definitive response to the Free and Open Indo-Pacific concept. Although its principles are attractive to many ASEAN member states, long-held conceptions of ASEAN centrality and its meaning gives the organization apparent reason for hesitation. The reasons include fears of diminished centrality and relevance, and reluctance to endorse a more confrontational mindset being adopted by the U.S. and its allies - including the revival of the Quadrilateral grouping with India - with respect to China. The reality is that while ASEAN and major member states are focused primarily on the risks of action, there are considerable risks of inaction and hesitation. The current era will either enhance or lessen the relevance of ASEAN in the eyes of these three countries in the years ahead depending on how the organisation and its key member states respond. Indeed, this Trends paper argues that ASEAN is more likely to be left behind by strategic events and developments if it remains passive, and that the ball is in ASEAN's court in terms of the future of its regional 'centrality'.
eBook
The free and open Indo-Pacific beyond 2020 : similarities and differences between the Trump administration and a Democrat White House
American Indo-Pacific policy will be driven by its China policy, regardless of whether there is a second-term Donald Trump administration or a first-term Joe Biden administration.The Republicans will continue to frame the major challenge as \"balancing\" against Chinese power and \"countering\" the worst aspects of Beijing's policies. Establishment or moderate Democrats under Biden will choose the softer language of seeking a favourable \"competitive coexistence\" in the military, economic, political and global governance realms, and the reassertion of American leadership and moral standing.In advancing the FOIP, the current administration argues that disruptiveness and unpredictability are necessary to reverse what they see as the \"normalization\" of Chinese assertiveness, coercion and revisionism. They also point to the closeness of US cooperation with Japan, Australia and India and bourgeoning strategic relationships with Vietnam. A second-term Trump administration will continue to seek out \"fit-for-purpose\" existing institutions and relationships, or prioritize new ones.Establishment Democrats believe that the \"America First\" unilateralist approach is unsettling for allies and partners. In advancing a favourable \"competitive coexistence\" with China, Democrats will seek to expand the tools of statecraft and achieve a better balance between military/economic/political/governance approaches. Prima facie, a Biden administration might position America as a more consultative guarantor of a preferred order. However, there will be greater pressure on Southeast Asians to accept more collective responsibility to advance common objectives. This means hedging in a manner more suitable to American rather than Chinese preferences. Failing that, more emphasis might be placed on greater institutionalization of the Quad and ad hoc groupings. A Bernie Sanders administration, now an unlikely prospect, would be a disaster for US standing and power in the region, and therefore for Southeast Asia.
eBook
The Rise of China and Evolving Defense Cooperation between India and Japan
This research paper investigates the evolving defense cooperation between India and Japan in the context of the strategic landscape in the Indo-Pacific region, particularly considering China’s rise. The existing literature recognizes China’s increasing influence as a significant factor in India-Japanese security cooperation, but tends to overlook the dynamics behind India’s shifting stance. The study reveals that India initially hesitated to actively engage in anti-China security cooperation with Japan until the mid-2010s, but later adopted a more proactive partnership. An analysis of policy documents, political speeches, and government records attributes India’s initial reluctance to its commitment to non-alignment and strategic autonomy, its desire to balance relations with both China and Japan, and its domestic political priorities favoring economic development over military expansion or strategic alliances. However, growing concerns over China’s assertiveness, military modernization, a change in political leadership, and the Quad’s development as a regional security platform have prompted India’s attitude shift. The research’s recommendations not only offer a roadmap for India, Japan, and other Indo-Pacific countries with deep economic ties to China, but also help combat China’s military threats to contribute to regional stability and security, address common challenges, and foster a peaceful and prosperous Indo-Pacific region.
Journal Article
Free and Open Indo-Pacific Strategy Outlook
The United States launched a new Free and Open Indo-Pacific (FOIP) strategy in late 2017 after reluctantly concluding that its patient effort to engage and socialize China to the rules-based order since 1972 had failed. China's behaviour since 2009 convinced the United States that China is a revisionist power seeking to impose an authoritarian model of governance in Asia which, if successful, would end the rules-based order in the Indo-Pacific as well as endanger US security and vital trade interests.
eBook
The \Free and Open Indo-Pacific\ and Implications for ASEAN
Frontmatter -- FOREWORD -- The “Free and Open Indo-Pacific” and Implications for ASEAN -- The “Free and Open Indo-Pacific” and Implications for ASEAN -- CONCLUSION
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