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In developing countries, informal firms account for up to half of economic activity. They provide livelihood for billions of people. Yet their role in economic development remains controversial with some viewing informality as pent-up potential and others viewing informality as a parasitic organizational form that hinders economic growth. In this paper, we assess these perspectives. We argue that the evidence is most consistent with dual models, in which informality arises out of poverty and the informal and formal sectors are very different. It seems that informal firms have low productivity and produce low-quality products; and, consequently, they do not pose a threat to the formal firms. Economic growth comes from the formal sector, that is, from firms run by educated entrepreneurs and exhibiting much higher levels of productivity. The expansion of the formal sector leads to the decline of the informal sector in relative and eventually absolute terms. A few informal firms convert to formality, but more generally they disappear because they cannot compete with the much more-productive formal firms.

We develop an equilibrium wage-posting model with heterogeneous firms that decide to locate in the formal or the informal sector and workers who search randomly on and off the job. We estimate the model on Brazilian labor force survey data. In equilibrium, firms of equal productivity locate in different sectors, a fact observed in the data. Wages are characterized by compensating differentials. We show that tightening enforcement does not increase unemployment and increases wages, total output, and welfare by enabling better allocation of workers to higher productivity jobs and improving competition in the formal labor market.

The 2013 collapse of the Rana Plaza building in Dhaka, Bangladesh, led external stakeholders to insist on higher labor standards in apparel global value chains (GVCs). Stakeholders now expect MNEs to take ‘full-chain’ responsibility. However, the increased monitoring and enforcement costs of a large network of suppliers have been non-trivial. MNEs instead implement a ‘cascading compliance’ approach, coupled with a partial re-internalization. Elevated costs are further exacerbated in developing countries where the informal and formal sectors are linked, and cost competitiveness greatly depends on this duality. Monitoring actors in the informal sector is difficult, and few informal actors can achieve compliance. GVCs have therefore reduced informal sector engagement by excluding non-compliant actors and investing in greater automation. By seeking to strictly enforce compliance, MNEs are attenuating some of the positive effects of MNE investment, particularly the prospects for employment creation (especially among women), and enterprise growth in the informal sector. I discuss how these observations might inform other cross-disciplinary work in development, ethics, and sociology. Finally, I note implications for IB theory from the disparities between the ownership, control, and responsibility boundaries of the firm.

Africa is rising, but IB scholars have largely failed to take notice. We argue that this is a missed opportunity. Not only is Africa a dynamic and distinctive region, but its rise presents a number of puzzles for international business (IB) research, with phenomena that seem to challenge fundamental assumptions underlying IB theories. In order to unravel these puzzles and better explain business dynamics on the continent, we contend that there is a need for IB theorizing to place greater emphasis on the role of people, to balance IB’s traditional emphasis on institutions, location-specific assets, and other macro-level attributes. We explore how this conceptual shift presents new avenues for inquiry into issues that are of importance for IB but have received limited attention to date. Such issues include entrepreneurial human capital, social networks, institutional co-evolution, and the informal economy. As such, we argue that, while extant theories in IB inform explanations and predictions regarding business activity across the continent, Africa’s diverse and distinctive characteristics offer the potential to serve as a context for testing and developing generalizable, cutting-edge IB theory.

Despite the depiction of decisions to formalize informal firms as rational and ethical, many entrepreneurs in developing countries continue to operate informally regardless of its perceived illicit status. While existing research on why entrepreneurs choose informality emphasizes the economic costs and benefits of such decisions, this often overlooks the realities of the informal economy and the constraints which marginal populations—particularly women—face. In this paper, we use institutional theory and sensemaking to understand the experiences of women in the informal economy and what formalization means to them. We use a qualitative approach to collect data from 90 women entrepreneurs in three different cities in Nepal. In our findings we identify three groups of women with distinctive understandings of formalization—business sustainability, livelihood sufficiency and strategic alignment. Their interpretation of formalization reveals the complex, dynamic, and cyclical nature of formalization decisions. Decisions are also guided by the optimization of social and emotional logics, whereby formalization is conceived differently depending on different life stages, experiences within the informal economy and wider socio-cultural contexts. Our findings highlight the ethical implications of formalization where being a 'good citizen', rather than complying with formal rules and regulations, is about attuning to and fitting in with socially prescribed roles. Our research provides a nuanced view of formalization decisions, challenging idealized and ethical notions of formalization as a desired end state.

This paper uses national representative data from the Ecuadorian Family Expenditure survey to study the determinants of poverty and informality in the country, taking into account the two-way relationship between these two phenomena. The main contribution of this paper is to present new empirical evidence on this relationship for a developing country where more than 60% of workers are in the informal sector. The results support the view of a heterogeneous informal market, in which informal work is both a demand-led phenomenon and a voluntary and primarily supply-led form of employment.

This paper analyzes the influence of the shadow economy on corruption and vice versa. We hypothesize that corruption and the shadow economy are substitutes in high income countries while they are complements in low income countries. The hypotheses are tested for a cross-section of 98 countries. Our results show that there is no robust relationship between corruption and the size of the shadow economy when perceptions-based indices of corruption are used. Employing an index of corruption based on a structural model, however, corruption and the shadow economy are complements in countries with low income, but not in high income countries.

In response to Nachum et al.’s (J Int Bus Stud, 2023) call for further research in Africa by international business (IB) scholars, we argue that while IB scholars may have been slow to engage with Africa, the same cannot be said of related and IB-relevant business and management scholarship. There is already a substantial body of work on Africa in other domains of business and management scholarship – and relevant theorizing – that represents an important resource for IB scholarship. In contextualizing the ‘interesting’, we identify several contemporary theoretical strands that have so far characterized ‘Africa research’, interrogate ongoing challenges that mitigate these efforts, and suggest ways in which further research that speaks to theoretical, practical, and policy issues might inform IB researchers’ engagement with Africa. Specifically, we set out the broader scope of the African business/management debate that might inform IB research, re-examine African diversity through the prism of ‘theoretical tensions and puzzles’, and consider the role of emergent indigenous theorizing such as ubuntu and Africapitalism that make Africa both ‘interesting’ and worthy of IB inquiry.

This paper distinguishes between formal and informal entrepreneurship. It theorises that each are influenced by very different combinations of macro-economic factors and strongly moderated by country income levels. Empirically, we show the ease of starting a business and high-quality governance, exert a powerful influence on formal, but not informal entrepreneurship. The latter is influenced by self-employment rates in low-income countries and by female labour force participation in high-income countries. Policy-makers seeking to improve economic welfare through enhancing entrepreneurship therefore have to choose the ‘type’ of entrepreneurship on which to focus and then select appropriate policies. By providing a novel grouping of these policies, we are able to assist them in making these choices.Plain English SummaryPolicy-makers: Decide what type of entrepreneurship you want for your country and, only then, choose your policies, because ‘one size doesn’t fit all.’ Entrepreneurs come in all shapes and sizes, ranging from informal street market traders on the one hand to formal tech giants in majestic offices on the other. The view of most governments is that entrepreneurship is ‘good’ because it not only provides employment for the market trader and for the tech giant, but also for many others in the economy. Governments therefore spend taxpayers’ money funding entrepreneurs to start and grow their businesses, but this raises two key questions: first, should it be the formal tech giant, or the informal street trader, that receives public funds and second, how should these be provided? Our conclusion, based on evidence from more than 80 high- and low-income countries, is that effective policy not only has to take account of the formal/informal distinction and the income level of the country, but also how that policy is delivered. We show that, in low-income countries, formal entrepreneurship is more likely to be enhanced by state policies to promote education and female activity rates; it is less likely to be stimulated by the creation of more enterprises. This is because relatively few informal enterprises subsequently make the transition to formality and to significant job creation.

In this paper, we address two entrepreneurship puzzles prevailing in developing countries. First, field experiments on business training programs and grants have shown that it is much more difficult to improve business outcomes for female entrepreneurs than for their male counterparts. Second, empirical studies have revealed that it is difficult to increase entrepreneurial performance in the informal sector. We argue that an extended version of the entrepreneurship model in Lucas (Bell Journal of Economics, 9, 508–523, Lucas 1978) can provide insights into these recurrent puzzles. In particular, if female entrepreneurs are time constrained, interventions that only target business ability and credit constraints may not be sufficient to raise the entrepreneurial outcomes of female entrepreneurs. In addition, if informal entrepreneurs face business constraints in terms of both their access to credit and entrepreneurial ability, interventions that target these constraints together can have a potentially greater impact than those that target either in isolation. We support our theoretical predictions using data from a field experiment with microfinance clients, conducted in Tanzania.