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The academic literature showed an increasing interest in studying the link between national identity and anti-immigrant sentiment. This work is based on ten countries from the International Social Survey Program (ISSP) dataset for two different waves: 2003 and 2013. The paper aims to analyse the influence of the three facets of national identity (nationalism, political patriotism, and cultural patriotism) and other socioeconomic traits on attitudes towards immigrants (ATI). Untried methods in social science based on the fuzzy-hybrid analysis (FHA) and the fuzzy clustering are used first to analyse citizens according to their levels of openness towards immigrants, nationalism, cultural patriotism, and political patriotism. Then, the ordered probit model is applied to thoroughly examine the intricate relationships connecting the three facets of national identity and individual sociodemographic characteristics with ATI. The results show that the national identity and cultural patriotism constructs negatively influence ATI, while political patriotism positively influences ATI. In addition, country, political orientation, age, religion, economic situation, gender, place of birth, principal status, and education are crucial factors that explain ATI.

In recent years, the world has witnessed a backlash against globalization and a rise in populist and nationalist movements around the world. However, there appears to be little empirical research concerning how these movements, and especially nationalist sentiment, actually influence trade. Therefore, we explore how and when nationalist sentiment within a country influences trade. Our results indicate that the effect of nationalist sentiment on imports is mediated by lower participation in free trade agreements (FTAs) but not via tariffs. Furthermore, we are unable to confirm support for a direct effect of nationalist sentiment on imports, as predicted by the consumer ethnocentricity literature. However, we do find a strong and negative impact of nationalist sentiment on exports. It would appear that nationalist sentiments tend to blunt the desire to export. Psychic distance between the countries appears to magnify the effects of nationalist sentiment on tariffs and FTAs, but not the direct effects on trade. Finally, we also find that custom union membership, such as the EU, negates the effect of nationalist sentiment on tariffs but this cannot be confirmed for FTAs. Overall, our model enriches our understanding of how nationalist sentiment in society affects trade and offers guidance to policymakers.

National identity studies diverge on several issues, such as the number of factors and their respective items’ adscription. Multi-Group Confirmatory Factor Analysis (MGCFA) is the standard method applied to cross-national datasets. Differences between groups can be the result of measurement artefacts. We argue that these problems can be better addressed by an alternative approach that builds a synthetic indicator named Relative National Identity Synthetic Indicator (RNISI), based on a Fuzzy Hybrid Analysis (FHA). The study aims to shed some light on the study of the latent variable national identity by comparing two methodologies: the classic method most often used (MGCFA) and the Fuzzy-Hybrid Approach, which, to our knowledge, has not been previously applied. This empirical study was based on a dataset from across ten countries using two waves (2003 and 2013) of the International Social Survey Programme (ISSP). The FHA results were compared with those obtained by two MGCFA models in which national identity was built as a second-order construct that depends on the ethnic, ancestry and civic first-order latent variables. The comparison lets us conclude that FHA can be considered a valid tool to measure the national identity by groups, and to provide additional information in form of elasticity figures. These figures can be employed to analyse the indicator’s sensitivity by group and for each of the items included in the national identity construct.

In new democracies, what is the role of nationalism in terms of democratic behavior such as voter turnout? Previous studies have found that, in Western democracies, constructive national pride increases voter turnout, while blind national pride decreases it. However, little scholarly attention has been paid to new democracies. Given different political contexts, we argue that blind national pride can boost turnout in some new democracies that have lingering authoritarian legacies. Using the case of South Korea, we offer a theory about the relationship between blind national pride and voter turnout. We show that, in contrast to the West, blind national pride is positively associated with turnout in South Korea, and that the relationship appears more robust among both older cohorts, who experienced authoritarianism directly in the recent past, and those with conservative ideologies.

Patriotism—as an ambivalent attitude towards the nation—has less exclusionary characteristics than nationalism and regional identification, because it does not require comparisons and hierarchies. What is less clear, however, is how to explain the positive evaluation of patriotism in the wider population. The article analyses the positive relationship of patriotism with nationalism and regional identification in 29 national and 421 regional contexts. The paper clearly shows that different factors explain the positive evaluation of patriotism and the mind-set of patriotism itself. While a nationalist attitude and regional identification at the individual level are strongly associated with a positive evaluation of patriotism and patriotism itself, institutionalised forms of regional autonomy are shown to be insignificant for the evaluation of patriotism and ambivalent for patriotism itself at the context level. The article concludes by discussing these results in the context of a Janus-faced nature of regional identification that can contribute to an inclusive society as much as to a nationalist-chauvinist attitude and which has so far been overlooked in regional science.

Due to the recent attempts to divide Czech society based on the antagonism between Prague and the countryside, this study researches some of the aspects of this division—basic human values and the national identity of the inhabitants of Prague. These very basic level sources of the antagonism are researched via a combination of ISSP (National identity III module) and ESS (Round 8) surveys and two focus groups with Prague inhabitants. The results show that there are no real, or wrongly interpreted, differences between Praguers and people in the countryside with respect to both basic human values and Czech national identity. Regarding the basic human values of the two groups, only the conservation value dimension is stronger outside Prague. However, this value dimension is inherently ambiguous because its value of security is stronger within Prague, which is in contrast to values of conformity and tradition that are stronger outside Prague. In addition to this, conservation is still the stronger dimension within Prague compared with the openness to change value dimension. Praguers are rather compelled to be open and they are capable of adapting, even if their values are more conservative. The same values prevail among people within and outside Prague, which has been confirmed in the focus groups. There are also more similarities between the two groups in their national identities, e.g., when they are less nationalistic than patriotic. Both groups are of similar strength for patriotism and nationalism. The sources of national pride among the two groups are very similar and Praguers are those who can be labeled as being prouder in a few of the aspects of the Czech nation. The division between Praguers and non-Praguers seems to be rather artificial and based on inaccurate perceptions and/or interpretations.

We investigate the mental health of multicultural families (CFs) in South Korea, identify risk factors, and propose interventions to improve mental health. Adults over 19 years of age were analyzed using the Community Health Survey 2019 in South Korea, consisting of 228,952 individuals including 3,524 from multi-CFs. We employed chi-squared tests and multiple logistic regression to compare mental health between multi- and mono-CFs, exploring the influence of various factors. Multi-CFs had significantly higher levels of stress recognition (P-value = 0.010) and experiences of extreme sadness or despair (P-value = 0.002) than mono-CFs. In multi-CFs, younger group, households with lower income and people with unhealthy behaviors regarding walking or sleeping were at risk of mental health. Socially isolated families, relative to the families participating in active social gatherings, had about a 1.36 times higher risk of stress, 2 times higher experiences of extreme sadness or despair and 5.32 times higher depressive symptoms. Multi-CFs are vulnerable to mental health problems, and even within multi-CFs, groups with relatively low socioeconomic status should be prioritized since problems are more significant among them. Activated social networks can help multi-CFs integrate into society and promote mental health.