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341 result(s) for "Internet -- Government policy -- China"
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You've Got Dissent! Chinese Dissident Use of the Internet and Beijing's Counter-Strategies
An analysis of the political use of the Internet by Chinese dissidents, both in the PRC and abroad, and the counterstrategies that Beijing has employed to prevent or minimize its impact. Although PRC officials have responded to the increased use of the Internet with predominantly traditional measures, they have been relatively successful. No credible challenges to the regime exist at present, despite the introduction of a massive modern telecommunications infrastructure. However, time may be on the side of the regime's opponents.
China's digital nationalism
\"Our current understanding of fake news and cyber warfare aside, many people still believe that the internet represents a cosmopolitan ideal over which the flow of diverse information educates and empowers users. The Chinese case defies these expectations. Nationalism, in China as much as elsewhere, is today adopted, filtered, transformed, enhanced, and accelerated through digital networks. And as we have increasingly seen, nationalism in digital spheres interacts in complicated ways with nationalism \"on the ground\". If we are to understand the social and political complexities of the 21st century, we need to ask: what happens to nationalism when it goes digital? In China's Digital Nationalism, Florian Schneider explores the issue by looking at digital China first hand, exploring what search engines, online encyclopedias, websites, hyperlink networks, and social media can tell us about the way that different actors construct and manage a crucial topic in contemporary Chinese politics: the protracted historical relationship with neighboring Japan. Using two cases, the infamous Nanjing Massacre of 1937 and the recent disputes over islands in the East China Sea, Schneider shows how various stakeholders in China construct networks and deploy power to shape nationalism for their own ends. These dynamics provide crucial lessons on how nation-states adapt to the shifting terrain of the digital age, and they highlight how digital nationalism is today an emergent property of complex communication networks\"-- Provided by publisher.
Internet policy in China
The new Internet bar phenomenon in China reveals a contradictory time and a vital tug of war between the state and civil society. Small, private net bar operators are caught in the double roles of regulator and the regulated, struggling to survive; many Internet café visitors largely enjoy emailing and online entertainment, showing little interest in political or policy issues. And both bar operators and visitors skillfully play a cat-mouse game with the state. Internet Policy in China: A Field Study of Internet Cafés reports the results of a multi-layered study of this phenomenon. Helen Sun investigates how the Internet has been used by the state and individuals, as well as the implications of Chinese Internet policies and regulations. She conceptualizes media technology as a \"dependent variable\" that can be affected by other factors such as its availability, the user's uses and expectations, media policy, the market, and the nations-state. Internet Policy in China focuses on the Chinese telecommunications policy-making system, regulatory activities, and the governmental means of control over Internet access and use at both the macro and micro levels. Sun also discusses users' perceptions and uses of the Internet in net cafés, the dual role café owners play in the frantic digital arena, the mismatch between Internet regulations and net café owners and goers, their interaction with governmental policy and regulation, and the social implications of their interactions during China's transitional time.
China and the Internet : using new media for development and social change
Two oversimplified narratives have long dominated news reports and academic studies of China's Internet: one lauding its potentials to boost commerce, the other bemoaning state control and measures against the forces of political transformations. This bifurcation obscures the complexity of the dynamic forces operating on the Chinese Internet and the diversity of Internet-related phenomena. China and the Internet analyzes how Chinese activists, NGOs, and government offices have used the Internet to fight rural malnutrition, the digital divide, the COVID-19 pandemic, and other urgent problems affecting millions of people. It presents five theoretically informed case studies of how new media have been used in interventions for development and social change, including how activists battled against COVID-19. In addition, this book applies a Communication for Development approach to examine the use and impact of China's Internet. Although it is widely used internationally in Internet studies, Communication for Development has not been rigorously applied in studies of China's Internet. This approach offers a new perspective to examine the Internet and related phenomena in Chinese society.
Online Chinese nationalism and China's bilateral relations
Since the Chinese were officially plugged into the virtual community in 1994, the usage of the internet in the country has developed at an incredible rate. By the end of 2008, there were approximately 298 million netizens in China, a number which surpasses that of the U.S. and ranks China the highest user in the world. The rapid development of the online Chinese community has not only boosted the information flow among citizens across the territory, but has also created a new form of social interaction between the state, the media, various professionals and intellectuals, as well as China's ordinary citizens. Although the subject of this book is online Chinese nationalism, which to a certain extent is seen as a pro-regime phenomenon, the emergence of an online civil society in China intrinsically provides some form of supervision of state power-perhaps even a check on it. The fact that the party-state has made use of this social interaction, while at the same time remaining worried about the negative impact of the same netizens, is a fundamental characteristic of the nature of the relationship between the state and the internet community. Many questions arise when considering the internet and Chinese nationalism. Which are the most important internet sites carrying online discussion of nationalism related to the author's particular area of study? What are the differences between online nationalism and the conventional form of nationalism, and why do these differences exist? Has nationalist online expression influenced actual foreign policy making? Has nationalist online expression influenced discourse in the mainstream mass media in China? Have there been any counter reactions towards online nationalism? Where do they come from? Online Chinese Nationalism and China's Bilateral Relations seeks to address these questions.
How New and Assertive Is China's New Assertiveness?
There has been a rapidly spreading meme in U.S. pundit and academic circles since 2010 that describes China's recent diplomacy as \"newly assertive.\" This \"new assertiveness\" meme suffers from two problems. First, it underestimates the complexity of key episodes in Chinese diplomacy in 2010 and overestimates the amount of change. Second, the explanations for the new assertiveness claim suffer from unclear causal mechanisms and lack comparative rigor that would better contextualize China's diplomacy in 2010. An examination of seven cases in Chinese diplomacy at the heart of the new assertiveness meme finds that, in some instances, China's policy has not changed; in others, it is actually more moderate; and in still others, it is a predictable reaction to changed external conditions. In only one case—maritime disputes–does one see more assertive Chinese rhetoric and behavior. The speed and extent with which the newly assertive meme has emerged point to an understudied issue in international relations—namely, the role that online media and the blogosphere play in the creation of conventional wisdoms that might, in turn, constrain policy debates. The assertive China discourse may be a harbinger of this effect as a Sino-U.S. security dilemma emerges.
Suspending classes without stopping learning: China's education emergency management policy in the COVID-19 outbreak
Against the backdrop of the COVID-19 outbreak, an emergency policy initiative called \"Suspending Classes Without Stopping Learning\" was launched by the Chinese government to continue teaching activities as schools across the country were closed to contain the virus. However, there is ambiguity and disagreement about what to teach, how to teach, the workload of teachers and students, the teaching environment, and the implications for education equity. Possible difficulties that the policy faces include: the weakness of the online teaching infrastructure, the inexperience of teachers (including unequal learning outcomes caused by teachers' varied experience), the information gap, the complex environment at home, and so forth. To tackle the problems, we suggest that the government needs to further promote the construction of the educational information superhighway, consider equipping teachers and students with standardized home-based teaching/learning equipment, conduct online teacher training, include the development of massive online education in the national strategic plan, and support academic research into online education, especially education to help students with online learning difficulties.
Understanding “Internet Plus Healthcare” in China: Policy Text Analysis
Background: The combination of the internet and healthcare has excellent benefits and far-reaching positive effects in improving service efficiency and promoting social equity. The role of the “internet plus healthcare” (IPHC) has been recognized, especially during the COVID-19 pandemic. This new healthcare model is also familiar to people and shows a bright prospect. Objective: This article seeks to accurately understand and fully grasp the characteristics of IPHC policies that can enlighten the formulation of future policies. Methods: The content analysis method was used to analyze China’s IPHC policies collected from the Beida Fabao database and several official websites. Results: We found that the development of IPHC policy has gone through 4 stages and is currently entering a phase of rapid development. IPHC policymakers are primarily health administrative departments. In addition, policy instruments are classified into either supply, environment, or demand, and policy themes can be summarized into 4 categories: facilities, technology, service, and management. Conclusions: China’s IPHC policy has good prospects from the perspective of development trends. The health administrative departments mainly lead the development of China’s IPHC policy. It is suggested that these departments involve other stakeholders (ie, medical workers, medical industries, and technology sectors) in formulating policies. Policies prefer to use supply-based and environment-based policy instruments. The policy themes emphasize improving infrastructure construction and high-quality diagnostic and treatment services, strengthening the supporting role of information technology, and ensuring all stakeholders understand their responsibilities.