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Inuit hunting traditions are rich in perceptions, practices and stories relating to animals and human beings. The authors examine key figures such as the raven, an animal that has a central place in Inuit culture as a creator and a trickster, andqupirruit, a category consisting of insects and other small life forms. After these non-social and inedible animals, they discuss the dog, the companion of the hunter, and the fellow hunter, the bear, considered to resemble a human being. A discussion of the renewal of whale hunting accompanies the chapters about animals considered 'prey par excellence': the caribou, the seals and the whale, symbol of the whole. By giving precedence to Inuit categories such as 'inua' (owner) and 'tarniq' (shade) over European concepts such as 'spirit 'and 'soul', the book compares and contrasts human beings and animals to provide a better understanding of human-animal relationships in a hunting society.

It is vital to incorporate thoughtful, rigorous and intentional approaches to the engagement of Indigenous people living with dementia and their families in research and policy. Engaging people living with dementia can be different when working in partnership with Indigenous communities. Authentic engagement requires engagement at multiple levels to preserve self‐determination across the entire research process. The Indigenous research landscape in Canada is framed by both federal research requirements and community‐driven Indigenous ethical principles. The federal research requirements, articulated in the Tri‐Council Policy Statement: Ethical Conduct for Research Involving Humans, outline when and how community engagement should be undertaken with First Nations, Métis and Inuit individuals and communities. This includes when research will be done in partnership with Indigenous communities, or when research will be done with or analyses conducted with broader populations that may include and impact Indigenous people. These requirements provide a fail safe for academic Institutional Research Ethics Boards with which to hold researchers accountable to in a western model of research. It is perhaps more important, however, to consider community‐led Indigenous ethical principles when engaging Indigenous people living with dementia and their families in research. Concepts such as respect, reciprocity, relevance and responsibility guide all our work but there are also distinctions‐based approaches to ethical research relationships. Research with First Nations communities needs to consider the OCAP (Ownership, Control, Access, and Possession) research principles; research with Métis communities can refer to the Métis principles of research, and research with Inuit communities should implement Inuit research principles. In this session, we present examples of our commitment to upholding and asserting Indigenous self‐determination while engaging Indigenous people with lived experience of dementia in research with the communities we each work with. Genuine relationships are the foundation and these relationships must be embedded and include people living with dementia in all stages of research, from initial research design, data collection, analysis and knowledge mobilization. We do this through sharing in ceremony, including traditional Knowledge Keepers and protocols and ensuring research and knowledge is co‐produced and owned by the communities leading the research.

Globally and historically, Indigenous healthcare is efficacious, being rooted in Traditional Healing (TH) practices derived from cosmology and place-based knowledge and practiced on the land. Across Turtle Island, processes of environmental dispossession and colonial oppression have replaced TH practices with a colonial, hospital-based system found to cause added harm to Indigenous Peoples. Growing Indigenous health inequities are compounded by a mental health crisis, which begs reform of healthcare institutions. The implementation of Indigenous knowledge systems in hospital environments has been validated as a critical source of healing for Indigenous patients and communities, prompting many hospitals in Canada to create Traditional Healing Spaces (THSs). After ten years, however, there has been no evaluation of the effectiveness of THSs in Canadian hospitals in supporting healing among Indigenous Peoples. In this paper, our team describes THSs within the Center for Addiction and Mental Health (CAMH), Canada’s oldest and largest mental health hospital. Analyses of 22 interviews with hospital staff and physicians describe CAMH’s THSs, including what they look like, how they are used, and by whom. The results emphasize the importance of designating spaces with and for Indigenous patients, and they highlight the wholistic benefits of land-based treatment for both clients and staff alike. Transforming hospital spaces by implementing and valuing Indigenous knowledge sparks curiosity, increases education, affirms the efficacy of traditional healing treatments as a standard of care, and enhances the capacity of leaders to support reconciliation efforts.

Objectives. We examined the role that Indigenous Elders can play in ensuring that community-based research (CBR) is conducted ethically. Methods. We present data from a larger qualitative study exploring ethical issues that occur in HIV-related CBR through the experiences of researchers engaged in CBR. Between May 2010 and July 2011, we interviewed 51 academic and community research team leaders of federally funded HIV CBR studies. We used thematic analysis techniques to identify themes. Results. Participating researchers engage Elders in research because Elders are keepers of Indigenous knowledge, dynamic ethical consultants, community protectors, and credible sources of information who are able to counsel and support, mediate conflict, provide local context and history, and conduct ceremonial roles. Potential challenges cited by participants to engaging Elders in research include finding the right “fit,” approaching Elders in a culturally appropriate way, and bureaucratic environments that do not honor Indigenous processes. Conclusions. Culturally appropriate Elder engagement in HIV CBR with Indigenous communities is vital for promoting positive relationships and culturally safe research that respects ceremony and Indigenous ways of knowing.

The proceedings of the One Health Gathering in Iqaluit, Nunavut, Canada, centered on the theme of “Elevating Indigenous Voices in One Health Research in the Arctic.” Approximately fifty participants from Greenland, the USA, Canada, and across Nunavut's three regions convened to explore key aspects of research pertinent to this theme. The gathering underscored Indigenous Knowledge and Practices, emphasizing innovative post-secondary education models rooted in Inuit ways of knowing. It also delved into Holistic Worldviews and Health and Wellbeing, spotlighting community country food programs, harvesting practices, and the significance of holistic perspectives in healthcare. Local contexts and community voices were prioritized, with presentations showcasing community-led testing for a parasite in walrus, co-management programs for polar bears, and the vital role of student voices and perspectives. Elder stories and wisdom were shared, adding invaluable insight and depth to discussions. Moreover, the gathering fostered community empowerment and action on One Health research and/or policy, culminating in collaborative recommendations and an art piece aimed at amplifying community engagement and agency in research initiatives. Overall, the event provided a platform for diverse voices to converge, exchange knowledge, and collaborate towards a more inclusive and effective approach to One Health research in the Arctic, reflecting a commitment to Indigenous perspectives, community empowerment, and holistic wellbeing.

Indigenous Peoples, especially Indigenous women, are overrepresented in Canadian prisons. Given the underlined importance and benefits of culturally-based programs for justice-involved Indigenous people, Canada’s federal correctional system is committed to providing culturally appropriate programs and practices to meet the needs of First Nations, Métis, and Inuit people in custody. Healthcare is one area the federal correctional system is committed to incorporating such programs and practices. This study evaluated the delivery and preliminary outcomes of a culturally-based health program implemented at a women’s healing lodge in Saskatchewan, Canada, which is centred on the provision of traditional medicine and healing practices. A mixed-methods design was used to assess program participants’ (n = 21) and collaborators’ (n = 17) perceptions of the program and its influence on wellness and cultural connectedness. Findings highlight the perceived positive effects on wellness (physical, mental, spiritual health) and cultural connection for women who participated in the program. Discussion considers policy implications, the potential for implementing similar culturally-based health interventions at other (federal) correctional facilities, and the need for further work in this area.

Ninety years ago, Knud Rasmussen's popular account of his scientific expeditions through Greenland and North America introduced readers to the culture and history of arctic Natives. In the intervening century, a robust field of ethnographic research has grown around the Inuit and Yupiit of North America-but, until now, English-language readers have had little access to the broad corpus of work on Greenlandic natives. Worldviews of the Greenlanders draws upon extensive Danish and Greenlandic research on Inuit arctic peoples-as well as Birgitte Sonne's own decades of scholarship and fieldwork-to present in rich detail the key symbols and traditional beliefs of Greenlandic Natives, as well as the changes brought about by contact with colonial traders and Christian missionaries. It includes critical updates to our knowledge of the Greenlanders' pre-colonial world and their ideas on space, time, and other worldly beings. This expansive work will be a touchstone of Arctic Native studies for academics who wish to expand their knowledge past the boundaries of North America.

A powerful bead network that wove together a transcontinental tapestry of cultures predated the Spanish invasion of the Americas. Beads created in the northeastern Atlantic world found themselves in Aztec and Incan territories, as did beads made from rocks found in the Pacific Northwest, all of which had been borne along trade networks that have existed for ages. Sixteenth-century illustrations found in the Mexican codices demonstrate the traditional manufacture of beads, which were used for a range of quotidian and ceremonial purposes. Since medieval times, Spaniards employed beads, called rescate, as currency for inequitable trade, whether for slaves or precious metals. The Spanish invasion introduced beads manufactured in other parts of the world to the Americas to form part of the ceremonial and spiritually endowed objects and ceremonies, and vice versa, American beads made their way into Spanish clothing and religious objects such as the rosary. A significant infusion of new beads from Spain rushed into the American bead network in the sixteenth century, some of which had international origins from places such as Venice, India, and West Africa. As material objects, beads negotiated intercultural relationships in powerful ways throughout the Spanish empire: beads were involved in treaties, territorial agreements, prayer, spiritual relations, wayfinding, and most importantly, ceremony. This article maps out the collision of bead networks within the sixteenth-century Spanish empire so as to flesh out the similar and innovative uses of beads, whether among Native American, Afro-descendant, or European communities, and their connection to spiritual and ceremonial practices.

Objective Fueled by the commercial tobacco industry, commercial tobacco use continues to be the leading preventable cause of premature death in Canada, with opportunities to improve health outcomes. The objective of this research was to work with Indigenous partners to generate Indigenous population prevalence estimates of commercial tobacco use in Toronto, and examine the association between smoking and sociodemographic, cultural, resiliency, and social variables. Methods Respondent-driven sampling (RDS) was used to generate prevalence estimates of commercial tobacco use and potentially associated sociodemographic, cultural, resiliency, and social connection variables for Indigenous adults living in Toronto. Statistical analysis examined associations between smoking and variables theorized to be predictors of tobacco use. Results The findings indicated that 36.3% (95%CI 28.2–44.5) of the Indigenous population in Toronto do not smoke, and 63.6% (95%CI 55.5–71.7) reported smoking. Univariate analysis of demographic, social, and cultural variables found age and employment to be statistically significantly different between adults who smoked and adults who did not smoke. Indigenous adults who were above the before-tax low-income cut-off (LICO) were more likely to smoke compared to those who were below the before-tax LICO. Indigenous adults who completed high school were more likely to smoke compared to those who did not complete high school, similarly to those who were unemployed compared to those who were employed. However, those who were not in the labour force (student or retired) were less likely to smoke compared to those who were employed. These effects remained after adjustment for age, gender, and LICO. Indigenous adults with stable housing were 20% less likely to smoke compared to those experiencing homelessness. Adults who had at least one close friend or family member to confide in were more likely to smoke compared to those who did not have any close friends or family members. Indigenous adults were more likely to smoke if they participated in Indigenous ceremony compared to those who did not participate. Conclusion The Indigenous population in Toronto continues to experience smoking prevalence nearly four times greater than that in the general population. This highlights the need for accurate population data to inform programs and policies and address the social determinants of health.

This study explores the culturally sensitive palliative and end-of-life care within First Nations communities in the Parry Sound area: Shawanaga, Wasauksing, and Moose Deer Point First Nations communities in Canada. The legacy of colonialism, particularly the Indian Act of 1876, has significantly disrupted Indigenous health practices, contributing to mistrust in Western healthcare systems. This research addresses gaps in culturally appropriate palliative and end-of-life care by identifying how First Nations communities define a “good death” and how Western healthcare providers can respect and integrate these traditions, particularly in rural and remote communities. Using a community-driven approach, three sharing sessions were conducted with 19 participants, exploring their insights into palliative and end-of-life care. Data analysis revealed five key themes: (1) Family members as primary caregivers, (2) Local healthcare providers support family in palliative and end-of-life care, (3) Make ‘final journey’ at home, (4) Community (the ‘clan family’) is involved in palliative and end-of-life care, and (5) Individual wishes for end-of-life care vary and should be followed by healthcare providers. These findings emphasize the role of family, community, and spiritual beliefs in shaping a “good death.” The study calls for healthcare providers to incorporate cultural sensitivity, support home-based care, and collaborate with community leaders to bridge gaps between Western medicine and Indigenous traditions. Recommendations include fostering trust with healthcare providers, ensuring care aligns with cultural values, and enhancing collaboration between healthcare systems and Indigenous communities. This research contributes to improving palliative and end-of-life care for First Nations communities by promoting culturally safe, person-centred care practices.