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Many in the United States and Israel believe that Hamas is nothing but a terrorist organization, and that its social sector serves merely to recruit new supporters for its violent agenda. Based on Sara Roy's extensive fieldwork in the Gaza Strip and West Bank during the critical period of the Oslo peace process, Hamas and Civil Society in Gaza shows how the social service activities sponsored by the Islamist group emphasized not political violence but rather community development and civic restoration.

Many in the United States and Israel believe that Hamas is nothing but a terrorist organization, and that its social sector serves merely to recruit new supporters for its violent agenda. Based on Sara Roy's extensive fieldwork in the Gaza Strip and West Bank during the critical period of the Oslo peace process,Hamas and Civil Society in Gazashows how the social service activities sponsored by the Islamist group emphasized not political violence but rather community development and civic restoration. Roy demonstrates how Islamic social institutions in Gaza and the West Bank advocated a moderate approach to change that valued order and stability, not disorder and instability; were less dogmatically Islamic than is often assumed; and served people who had a range of political outlooks and no history of acting collectively in support of radical Islam. These institutions attempted to create civic communities, not religious congregations. They reflected a deep commitment to stimulate a social, cultural, and moral renewal of the Muslim community, one couched not only--or even primarily--in religious terms. Vividly illustrating Hamas's unrecognized potential for moderation, accommodation, and change,Hamas and Civil Society in Gazaalso traces critical developments in Hamas's social and political sectors through the Second Intifada to today, and offers an assessment of the current, more adverse situation in the occupied territories. The Oslo period held great promise that has since been squandered. This book argues for more enlightened policies by the United States and Israel, ones that reflect Hamas's proven record of nonviolent community building.

The ideology of Islamic fundamentalists is of central importance in the modern world, but it is often distorted or misunderstood by the international media. This insightful study provides a detailed analysis of the Palestinian Hamas movement's world-view, and shows how the theoretical framework developed by thinkers such as Hassan al-Banna, Sayyis Qutb and al-Mawdudi is applied to a specific political, social and economic context. Nusse explains the fundamentalist position on recent events, such as the Gulf War, the Madrid peace negotiations and the Hebron massacre, and helps to dissipate myths surrounding modern fundamentalist movements and their overwhelming success as opposition movements in the modern world.

The movement saw settlement as a manifestation of the redemption of God's people.\\n A second trend sought to combat the Disengagement plan by means of a profound educational campaign among die public; accordingly, it opposed any manifestation of violence, rebellion, or even passive resistance.

This personal account of the author's November 2006 visit to Gaza, which coincided with Israel's launch of its \"Operation Autumn Clouds,\" examines the impact on the Strip of economic and military siege, which intensified following Hamas's victory in the January 2006 parliamentary elections. The author also addresses post-election changes in Gaza, both politically (especially the rise of open conflict between factions) and socially. She concludes by examining Gaza's grim and uncertain future in the wake of the intense devastation--economic, political, and social--wreaked over the past several years. [PUBLICATION ABSTRACT]

This article focuses on two young men from Gaza's al-Shati refugee camp who were among the first Palestinians to \"martyr\" themselves in suicide attacks against Israeli soldiers following the Oslo agreement. The story of the two friends, culled from conversations with their families, neighbors, and friends, traces a common itinerary from early Fatah militancy and intifada activism through progressive disillusionment with the peace process toward withdrawal into radical Islam. In the course of the author's inquiry, a window on life in Gaza in the post-Oslo period emerges.

A review essay on books by: H. H. Ahmad, HAMAS, From Religious Salvation to Political Transformation: The Rise of Hamas in Palestinian Society (Jerusalem: PASSIA, 1994); Ziad Abu-Amr, Islamic Fundamentalism in the West Bank and Gaza: Muslim Brotherhood and Islamic Jihad (Bloomington, IN: Indiana U Press, 1994); & Ahmad Rashad, Hamas: Palestinian Politics with an Islamic Hue (Springfield, VA: United Assoc for Studies & Research, 1993 [see listings in IRPS No. 82]). Ahmad discusses Hamas by focusing on the events surrounding the Hebron massacre. The analysis is not even & the book contains factual errors & inaccuracies, & is given to exaggeration. It contains information provided by the Israeli media but no Arabic source material. It suggests that the rise of Hamas was precipitated by the collapse of the USSR & the secular Left. Abu-Amr discusses both Hamas & the Islamic Jihad & situates them in the wider Islamic movement. Lengthy references to the history & ideology of the Muslim Brotherhood are included. An underlying theme of the book is the increasing threat of Muslim fundamentalism. Rashad gives a concise, balanced picture of the Islamic movement. Emphasis is on Hamas -- topics range from problems with the original leadership & the lack of specificity in the Hamas charter to the impact of personal grudges on the Palestine Liberation Organization & religious nationalists to the exaggeration of Hamas military prowess. Overall, it is a sympathetic portrayal of Hamas. D. Generoli

The projected Gaza-Jericho autonomy is only the beginning of the road for the Palestinians, not an end in itself. The symbols and trappings and the political and economic arrangements could loosely identify Gaza as the first Palestinian state, as soon as the Palestine Liberation Organization leader Yasser Arafat establishes his administration in Jericho. Regrettably, a Palestinian state ruled by Arafat and his cronies will likely be authoritarian, non-inclusive, and undemocratic. A stable and democratic Palestinian state in Gaza and the West Bank is an absolute must to guarantee peace and stability in the area. An authoritarian, anti-democratic, violence-riddled Gaza - the hope of Israeli militants - is a prospect fraught with danger for all parties. Gaza will likely join the ranks of other secular-praetorian Arab states that are continuously losing support to more aggressive and traditional radical forces. True democratic elections in Gaza will only bring the Islamic fundamentalists to power.