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Baird points out specific elements of Eric Voegelin's vision of personal responsibility and Emmanuel Levinas's ethics of responsibility that might be germane to the formulation of a post-Holocaust spiritual theology.

Mackler examines Eric Voegelin's \"Israel and Revelation,\" arguing that it fails at times to sufficiently appreciate both particular religions, such as Judaism, and particular persons and their ethical responsibilities for particular neighbors.

What significance did John attach to God's revelation in the history of Israel as recorded in the Scriptures? To answer this question, a distinction has to be made between the text of Scripture and the history narrated in this text. In John's view, the text of the Old Testament contains testimonies on behalf of Jesus, awaiting to be filled with the reality of the Jesus event. As regards the events of Old Testament history, John considers some theophanies as communications with the pre-existent Jesus in heaven, but he does not consider the pre-existent Jesus as the real actor in Old Testament theophanies on earth. For the rest, Old Testament history is meaningful to the evangelist in so far as it provides 'types' of Jesus. To him, the Scriptures legitimate Jesus, but real revelation of God is to be found exclusively in Jesus.

There are numerous approaches and conclusions regarding church and state relations and how Christianity affects public policy. Yet the purpose of this study is to question some of the philosophical assumptions and biblical interpretations that Christians hold to which support the state as a morally legitimate authoritative institution in the first place. This article will argue that various presuppositions regarding the state’s moral legitimacy are untenable, if not self-refuting. The philosophical commitments of a form of Christian Conservatism exemplified by Norman L. Geisler will be analyzed and critiqued by the Christian Libertarian Anarchist school of thought, represented by Gerard Casey. Geisler’s views on first principles, God’s moral law, social contracts, consent, anarchy, the distinction between vices and crimes, preconditions for virtue, and the common good will be examined. Then, Geisler’s interpretation of classic biblical texts supporting the alleged moral legitimacy of the state will also be assessed. This article will contend that if one were to consistently apply some pertinent principles found in Geisler’s prolegomena to theology when reasoning from natural revelation and the relevant biblical data, one will find that the conclusions are more compatible with the political theology of Christian Libertarian Anarchism. Hence the one who questions how Christianity affects public policy should take into consideration the reasons to deny that divine revelation affirms the state as a morally legitimate authoritative institution. If this is the case, the question ought to be reframed to determine how Christianity affects public policy within a state that has no legitimate moral grounds for authority.

This article argues that many of Revelation’s ancient Jewish, Greek, and Roman audience members would have recognized a cosmic blood purification ritual at work in chapters 15–16. I contend first that many early audiences would have perceived the cosmos in Revelation as an operational temple (at least in Rev 4–16). I, then, expose similarities between the bowls of wrath and ancient blood purification rituals for sacred space. In the final section of this article, I demonstrate how many ancient audiences would have understood global pollution to be a major problem for Revelation’s narrative and how the blood purification-like ritual of Rev 15–16 resolves it.

Much has been written about the theological, cultural, and social foundations of the Zionist movement and its historical development. While scholars have discussed the immigration of the first Hasidim to the Land of Israel in the late eighteenth century, little attention has been paid to the Hasidic leaders who were active in Mandatory Palestine between the two World Wars, some of whom had a positive attitude toward Zionism. My article addresses this scholarly gap and focuses on one figure: the Rebbe painter (Admor ha-Tsayar) Avraham Yaakov Shapira (1886–1962) of the Drohobych dynasty. In this first academic study examining his sermon book Netivot Shalom, I will show how he coherently used the Hasidic homiletic style, as well as textual and oral traditions, to reinforce a commitment to the settlement of Zion and cultivate a positive attitude toward the Jewish people, including the secular settlers. Following in his father’s footsteps, he fervently taught that the way to the hearts of secular settlers was not through rebuke, but through peace, shared mission, and unity. He viewed the activists’ approach to settling Zion as an act of divine action revealing the “new Torah”, and saw their success as a miracle manifested through nature.

Scholarly interpretations of the descent and description of the New Jerusalem in Revelation 21–22 have tended to evaluate the city against biblical and extra-canonical descriptions of the Jerusalem Temple, apocalyptic accounts of heaven and ancient utopian literature in general. While some have noted the ways in which the New Jerusalem parallels the description of Babylon elsewhere in the Apocalypse, no one has yet considered the ways in which the New Jerusalem mimics, mirrors and adapts the excesses of elite Roman architecture and decor. The argument of this article is that when viewed against the backdrop of literary and archaeological evidence for upper-class living space, the luxury of the New Jerusalem is domesticated and functions to democratise access to wealth in the coming epoch. The ways in which Revelation's New Jerusalem rehearses the conventions of morally problematic displays of luxury can partially explain later patristic discomfort with literalist readings of this passage.