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"Italian Fascism"
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The Italians and Fascism
In a recent review of Christopher Duggan's latest book, Emilio Gentile notes that in the 1970s an ‘intimate history of fascist Italy’ would have met the opposition of ‘militant anti-fascist historiography’ because of its proneness to acknowledge the involvement of Italians in Fascism. Still, after criticising the book, Gentile stresses that the ‘question of consent’ – a topic on which he himself has provided some crucial contributions – is a ‘poorly posed question’.
Journal Article
The Ethics of Consent—Regime and People in the Historiographies of Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany
In his trenchant and stimulating review article Patrick Bernhard surveyed a series of English-language studies that focus in one way or another on the relationship between the fascist regime and the Italian people. Drawing on the historiography of Nazi Germany, Bernhard took these studies as his cue to argue that much of the historiography on Italian Fascism is outdated. In particular, he sees the approach adopted to assessing the regime's appeal as often old-fashioned, with the result that Italian historians have vastly underestimated ordinary Italians’ embrace of fascism and their complicity in its violence and war crimes. At the same time, he argues that histories of Nazi Germany and fascist Italy show far more parallels and intersections than have been acknowledged of late and calls on Italian historians to turn their attention to this entangled history.
Journal Article
Giuseppe Mazzini and the origins of fascism
\"In this controversial and groundbreaking study, Simon Levis Sullam proposes a compelling reinterpretation of the political thought of one Italy's founding fathers, Giuseppe Mazzini (1805-1872), and suggests a new approach to understanding the origins of fascist ideology. Specifically, he sheds much-needed light on the continuity between nineteenth-century Italian nationalism and fascism. By providing for the first time an in-depth analysis of the religious aspects of Mazzini's nationalism (which has generally been categorized by historians as liberal and democratic), Sullam identifies its authoritarian and potentially anti-democratic components and trace their influence on the rise of conservative and fascist politics in Italy. As he demonstrates, the absence of a civil religion from the process of Italian national identity formation, in concert with the Risorgimento's relatively weak democratic tradition, was a critical factor in the evolution of right-wing ideology in the nation\"-- Provided by publisher.
BOOK
The Fascist Party and the Problem of Popular Opinion in the Provinces
As a non-specialist in the historiography of Fascism and Nazism, I enter this discussion with trepidation. Viewed from the outside, antagonism and rigidity have long characterised historical debate about the causes, nature and consequences of both regimes, although it is clear (and as the other contributions published here have pointed out) that some of this fierceness has attenuated of late with the rise of a new generation of historians. I don't propose to go over the various points of disagreement about fascist Italy – the problem of popular ‘consensus’ for the regime, the reasons for collective ‘amnesia’ after the fall of the regime, and the myth of ‘Italians as good people’ (Italiani brava gente) – as these have already been discussed by Bernhard in his review and in the contributions by Giulia Albanese and Roberta Pergher. Nor will I enter into related debates about the Italian Resistance, the issue of Italian war crimes and the broader controversy about ‘divided memory’ in post-war Italy, although these questions have also generated a significant literature in recent years. Instead I want simply to re-visit Paul Corner's The Fascist Party and Popular Opinion in Mussolini's Italy and to propose a rather different interpretation than the one offered by Patrick Bernhard.
Journal Article
The Party and the People: Totalitarian States and Popular Opinion
In reply to Patrick Bernhard's critical review of my recent book I will make some brief general observations about the study of totalitarian and would-be totalitarian regimes. Some preliminary remarks are necessary. Bernhard locates his review within the context of the debate over Italians' consensus for Fascism – a debate continuing in Italy, with highs and lows, since the mid-1970s. His own approach is clearly very much influenced by the methodologies of cultural history; he looks for emotions, sentiments, practices and experiences in order to form a picture of how Italians lived under the regime. He approves of the history that finds these. There is much to commend this approach, and I would certainly not argue against its value – cultural studies do, indeed, have a great deal to offer. But the methodology of cultural studies is not, and cannot be, the only approach, nor its absence the only criterion for criticism.
Journal Article
Científicos, industriales y católicos: las lecturas del fascismo de Mihail Manoilesco en el Brasil de Getúlio Vargas (1930-45)
Ese trabajo busca analizar la recepción y la circulación de los textos del intelectual rumano Mihail Manoilesco -reconocido por sus teoría de Estadoen el Brasil de los años 1930-45. Estructuramos las lecturas en tres grupos de pensadores a partir de sus afinidades interpretativas, a saber: los científicos que trabajaban o defendieron activamente el régimen varguista bajo justificaciones de carácter científico y sociológico, como Oliveira Vianna y Azevedo Amaral; los industrialistas, defensores del proteccionismo estatal, liderados por Roberto Simonsen; y los católicos defensores de proyectos de Estado amparados en la Doctrina Social de la Iglesia: Amoroso Lima, Cotrim Neto y José de Pinto Antunes. Defenderemos, en perspectiva contraria a la historiografía brasileña, que Manoilesco fue leído fuera de los círculos burocráticos del régimen varguista. También buscaremos demonstrar que Manoilesco configuró una imagen del fascismo italiano que sirvió de argumentación para aquellos actores brasileños que buscaban distanciarse del régimen de Mussolini.
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The Italian Glassware Industry during the Fascist Regime
I began my research on twentieth-century Murano Glassware in 2022 at the Centro Studi del Vetro of the Fondazione Giorgio Cini in Venice. In 2023, thanks to the Rakow Grant, I was able to broaden my scope beyond Murano to glassware producers throughout Italy, which, in the shadow of the fame of Venetian glass, have rarely been studied. This brief report is the result of my research conducted on “The Italian Glassware Industry during the Fascist Regime.” It offers, from both a technical and aesthetic perspective, a glimpse of sources and discourse regarding the production of everyday use glass in Italy during the studied period, as well as a selective list of the major factories. The material I collected is enormously greater than shown here.
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Italy’s authoritarian turn as executive dominance: Costantino Mortati’s early writings (1931–1944)
I examine the transformation of Italy during the fascist era and the way in which it was explained by one of the most prominent constitutional lawyers of the time, Costantino Mortati (1891–1985). A member of the Constituent Assembly of 1946–1948 and later a constitutional judge, Mortati had a deep influence on the Italian post-War constitutional thinking. Here I focus on Mortati’s understanding of the state’s transformation after 1922. I show how he conceptualised Italy’s transition from a liberal state to an authoritarian regime as a shift from the parliament to the executive of the power of ‘political direction’, ie, the power of identification of the aims and values of the state. Mortati did not envisage in the Italian transformation the full erasure of the separation of powers, but rather a large reshuffle of political direction moving from the Parliament to the Head of Government, allegedly a process in line with the country’s needs in the 20 th century. He read the growth of executive powers as the most enduring constitutional transformation of his time, one destined in his mind to persist even after the downfall of the regime.
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