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This paper raises questions about the origins, definition and nature of criminological knowledge by seeking to identify the earliest examples of scientific criminological thought. Pushing the story further back in time than previous studies of criminological history, it proposes a way to think about criminology before criminologists—that is, efforts to study crime scientifically before the emergence of specifically criminological discourses and before the formation of the professional specialization of criminologist. The roots of scientific criminological thought lie in late 18th‐ and early 19th‐century discourses on the phenomenon of moral insanity, or uncontrollable, remorseless criminal behavior. Examination of these texts reveals both the origins of criminological knowledge and the birth of idea that crime can be studied scientifically.

Samuel George Morton’s Crania Americana (1839) is most often read as a foundational work for the ‘American school’ of nineteenth-century ethnography. In this article, I challenge such a reading by demonstrating how transatlantic connections shaped both the publication and the reception of Morton’s atlas. In this lavish folio volume, complete with over seventy lithographic plates, Morton divides mankind into five races on the basis of skull configuration. However, to date, there have been no histories which consider the relevance of Morton’s extensive correspondence with physicians, naturalists, and phrenologists in Europe. Furthermore, there have been no studies which consider how Morton managed the reception of Crania Americana across the Atlantic Ocean. This article resituates American ethnology within this transatlantic world, drawing on archival collections in both Britain and the United States. More broadly, it demonstrates how the history of the book can be developed as we move beyond national contexts.

In their earliest encounters with Asia, Europeans almost uniformly characterized the people of China and Japan as white. This was a means of describing their wealth and sophistication, their willingness to trade with the West, and their presumed capacity to become Christianized. But by the end of the seventeenth century the category of whiteness was reserved for Europeans only. When and how did Asians become \"yellow\" in the Western imagination? Looking at the history of racial thinking, Becoming Yellow explores the notion of yellowness and shows that this label originated not in early travel texts or objective descriptions, but in the eighteenth- and nineteenth-century scientific discourses on race.

While one interpretation considers the gesture as the sign of Douglass's deep ambivalence, perhaps unconscious, over his own genealogy of racial mixture, a more convincing approach reads the passage in light of his continuing engagement with the American School of Ethnology.1 As \"The Claims of the Negro, Etimologi cally Considered\"-an address that he delivered approximately a year before the 1855 publication of My Bondage and My Freedom-makes clear, Douglass claimed a historical relationship between ancient Egypt and contemporary descendants of the African diaspora as a way of defying race scientists such as Samuel Morton, George Gliddon, and Josiah Nott, whose theories of poly genesis played a significant role in the antebellum politics of slavery. James Mooney's magisterial ethnography of The Ghost-Dance Religion (1890) ends with Mooney claiming that the religion is no longer being practiced and that the Ghost Dance has recently been performed for spectators at a state fair; and, similarly, Boas's foundational Chinook Texts (1894) begins with his own encounter with Charles Cultee and ends with Cultee's stories about European contact - stories that Boas seems unable to place.30 In both of these cases there is a kind of textual leakage of one form of time into another, a temporal mixture that the self- reflexive ethnographers of the twentieth century, from Zo ra Neale Hurston to James Clifford, would exploit.