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One of the troublesome factors in the Rome–Berlin Axis before and during the Second World War centered on disagreements over racial ideology and corresponding antisemitic policies. A common image sees Fascist Italy as a reluctant partner on racial matters, largely dominated by its more powerful Nazi ally. This article offers a contrasting assessment, tracing the efforts by Italian theorist Julius Evola to cultivate a closer rapport between Italian and German variants of racism as part of a campaign by committed antisemites to strengthen the bonds uniting the fascist and Nazi cause. Evola's spiritual form of racism, based on a distinctive interpretation of the Aryan myth, generated considerable controversy among fascist and Nazi officials alike. In light of the current revival of interest in Evola, a closer examination of these debates can deepen historical understanding of racial ideologies from the fascist era.

Julius Evola's writing covered a vast range of subjects, from a distinctive and categorical ideological outlook and has been extremely influential on a significant number of extreme right thinkers, activists and organisations. This book is the first full length study in English to present his political thought to a wider audience, beyond that of his followers and sympathisers, and to bring into the open the study of a neglected strand of contemporary Western thought, that of traditionalism. Evola deserves more attention because he is an influential writer. His following comes from an important if largely ignored political movement: activists and commentators whose political positions are, like his, avowedly traditionalist, authoritarian, anti-modern, anti-democratic and anti-liberal. With honourable exceptions, contemporary academic study tends to treat these groups as a minority within a minority, a sub-species of Fascism, from whom they are held to derive their ideas and their support. This work seeks to bring out more clearly the complexity of Evola's post-war strategy, so as to explain how he can be adopted both by the neo-fascist groups committed to violence, and by groups such as the European New Right whose approach is more aimed at influence from within liberal democracies. Furlong also recognises the relevance of Evola's ideas to anti-globalisation arguments, including a re-examination of his arguments for detachment and spontaneism (apolitia).

This paper looks at how European thinkers whose ideas helped shape 20th century interwar Nazi and fascist movements have influenced the Alt-Right, a contemporary digital far right-wing movement based mainly in the United States. Specifically, it explores the notions of authoritarian government developed by intellectuals like Friedrich Nietzsche (1844-1900), above all, and Julius Evola (1898-1974), and their use today in the discourse of Richard B. Spencer, the US illiberal political movement’s leader. The aim is to construct an analysis of the thought of the transnational radical right, particularly authoritarian thought, over time and via completely different means such as literature and the internet.

The Spanish philosopher José Ortega y Gasset has influenced several thinkers of the twentieth century, among whom Julius Evola, Ayn Rand, and Pierre Bourdieu specifically have been examined in this article. The selection of thinkers indicates that Ortega has influenced both those on the left and those on the various strands of the right. In relation to Evola, Ortega’s critique of the emergent masses in the age of modern democracy has been emphasized, although they do not share the same overarching social philosophy as Ortega is essentially a proponent of liberalism which Evola fiercely opposes. Regarding Rand, there are striking affinities between Ortega’s major work Revolt of the Masses and Rand’s The Virtue of Selfishness in relation to personal responsibility and the state’s role in providing welfare. Bourdieu, on his behalf, has manifestly linked his reasoning in his major work Distinction to Ortega’s work The Dehumanization of Art . Overall, this shows that Ortega’s philosophy has an impact on both the left and the right.

1968 was a watershed year not only for the new left but even more so for the rise of the New Right. It turns out that, if 1968 “prepared” 1989 as the next turning point in European and world history, it was probably more through the new right’s forging of ideas that would eventually provide ideological justification for illiberal democracies in Central and Eastern Europe. Yugoslavia is an important site in this history not only because of its early exposure to the ideas of the new right through the work of the painter and publicist Dragoš Kalajić but also because in his seminal book The Philosophy of Parochialism (1969), Radomir Konstantinović anticipated the rise of the new right and offered a penetrating critique of its fundamental premises.

This book represents the first systematic research by a social scientist on the radical right-wing movements in Italy since 1945. During the heyday of right-wing violence between 1969 and 1980, street aggressions, attacks, and murders were commonplace. These bloody episodes were assumed to be the work of fanatical bands of \"political soldiers\" and urban warriors loosely controlled by secret services and other covert groups, which used them as part of a \"strategy of tension\" pursued in domestic and international circles. Franco Ferraresi here acknowledges that these rightist groups were in fact permitted a certain amount of freedom, and even in some cases actually aided, in the hope that revulsion at terrorist tactics would have the effect of mobilizing public opinion in favor of existing political arrangements. However, he also studies the extent to which they operated as autonomous units, while he carefully considers the political heritage, the doctrines, and the ideology that motivated them. With the decline of violent activity on both extremes of the political spectrum in the early 1980s, the theory and practice so comprehensively discussed by Ferraresi seemed to have entered a dormant stage. Ferraresi, however, places in context the recent resurgence of neo-fascist forces in Italy, and of the so-called New Right throughout Europe, together with the rise of fundamentalism in many parts of the world.

Revista CIDOB d’Afers Internacionals, nº 132, p. 71-93Quadrimestral (October-December 2022)ISSN:1133-6595 | E-ISSN:2013-035XDOI: https://doi.org/10.24241/rcai.2022.132.3.71 This paper looks at how European thinkers whose ideas helped shape 20th century interwar Nazi and fascistmovements have influenced the Alt-Right, a contemporary digital far right-wing movement based mainly in the United States. Specifically, it explores the notions of authoritarian government developed by intellectuals like Friedrich Nietzsche (1844-1900), above all, and Julius Evola (1898-1974), and their use today in the discourse of Richard B. Spencer, the US illiberal political movement’s leader. The aim is to construct an analysis of the thought of the transnational radical right, particularly authoritarian thought, over time and via completely different meanssuch as literature and the internet. >> The full text articles of this issue are available only in Spanish language Revista CIDOB d’Afers Internacionals, nº 132, p. 71-93Cuatrimestral (octubre-diciembre 2022)ISSN:1133-6595 | E-ISSN:2013-035XDOI: https://doi.org/10.24241/rcai.2022.132.3.71 Este artículo se centra en el impacto de pensadores europeos –cuyas ideas influenciaron los movimientos nazi y fascista de entreguerras en el siglo xx– sobre el actual movimiento de extrema derecha digital de la Alt-Right, localizado sobre todo en Estados Unidos. En concreto, explora las ideas sobre gobierno autoritario desarrolladas por intelectuales como Friederich Nietzsche (1844-1900), principalmente, o Julius Evola (1898-1974), y su uso contemporáneo en el discurso empleado por el líder de dicha corriente política iliberal estadounidense, Richard B. Spencer. El objetivo es construir un análisis del pensamiento de la derecha radical transnacional, específicamente del pensamiento autoritario, a través del tiempo y de medios totalmente distintos como pueden ser la literatura versus Internet.

Fascism has traditionally been characterized as irrational and anti-intellectual, finding expression exclusively as a cluster of myths, emotions, instincts, and hatreds. This intellectual history of Italian Fascism--the product of four decades of work by one of the leading experts on the subject in the English-speaking world--provides an alternative account. A. James Gregor argues that Italian Fascism may have been a flawed system of belief, but it was neither more nor less irrational than other revolutionary ideologies of the twentieth century. Gregor makes this case by presenting for the first time a chronological account of the major intellectual figures of Italian Fascism, tracing how the movement's ideas evolved in response to social and political developments inside and outside of Italy. Gregor follows Fascist thought from its beginnings in socialist ideology about the time of the First World War--when Mussolini himself was a leader of revolutionary socialism--through its evolution into a separate body of thought and to its destruction in the Second World War. Along the way, Gregor offers extended accounts of some of Italian Fascism's major thinkers, including Sergio Panunzio and Ugo Spirito, Alfredo Rocco (Mussolini's Minister of Justice), and Julius Evola, a bizarre and sinister figure who has inspired much contemporary \"neofascism.\" Gregor's account reveals the flaws and tensions that dogged Fascist thought from the beginning, but shows that if we want to come to grips with one of the most important political movements of the twentieth century, we nevertheless need to understand that Fascism had serious intellectual as well as visceral roots.

L’article traite de la réception de la figure antique de Tanaquil, donc des femmes étrusques, à l’époque du fascisme et du nazisme auprès de non-spécialistes de l’étruscologie. Il montre que les analyses de la figure antique de Tanaquil par J.J. Bachofen ont connu dans l’Italie et dans l’Allemagne des années 30 un véritable regain d’intérêt encouragé par la publication simultanée, en 1926, de deux anthologies de ses œuvres. A. Rosenberg et J. Evola interprètent tous deux Tanaquil en un sens raciste  : pour A. Rosenberg, Tanaquil incarne la menace de la dépravation orientale et J. Evola montre les efforts qu’a dû déployer le monde romain pour éliminer cette composante préromaine, orientale et gynécocrate.