Explore the vast range of titles available.

In 1830, with France's colonial empire in ruins, Charles X ordered his army to invade Ottoman Algiers. Victory did not salvage his regime from revolution, but it began the French conquest of Algeria, which was continued and consolidated by the succeeding July Monarchy. InBy Sword and Plow, Jennifer E. Sessions explains why France chose first to conquer Algeria and then to transform it into its only large-scale settler colony. Deftly reconstructing the political culture of mid-nineteenth-century France, she also sheds light on policies whose long-term consequences remain a source of social, cultural, and political tensions in France and its former colony. In Sessions's view, French expansion in North Africa was rooted in contests over sovereignty and male citizenship in the wake of the Atlantic revolutions of the eighteenth century. The French monarchy embraced warfare as a means to legitimize new forms of rule, incorporating the Algerian army into royal iconography and public festivals. Colorful broadsides, songs, and plays depicted the men of the Armée d'Afrique as citizen soldiers. Social reformers and colonial theorists formulated plans to settle Algeria with European emigrants. The propaganda used to recruit settlers featured imagery celebrating Algeria's agricultural potential, but the male emigrants who responded were primarily poor, urban laborers who saw the colony as a place to exercise what they saw as their right to work. Generously illustrated with examples of this imperialist iconography, Sessions's work connects a wide-ranging culture of empire to specific policies of colonization during a pivotal period in the genesis of modern France. In 1830, with France's colonial empire in ruins, Charles X ordered his army to invade Ottoman Algiers. Victory did not salvage his regime from revolution, but it began the French conquest of Algeria, which was continued and consolidated by the succeeding July Monarchy. InBy Sword and Plow, Jennifer E. Sessions explains why France chose first to conquer Algeria and then to transform it into its only large-scale settler colony. Deftly reconstructing the political culture of mid-nineteenth-century France, she also sheds light on policies whose long-term consequences remain a source of social, cultural, and political tensions in France and its former colony. In Sessions's view, French expansion in North Africa was rooted in contests over sovereignty and male citizenship in the wake of the Atlantic revolutions of the eighteenth century. The French monarchy embraced warfare as a means to legitimize new forms of rule, incorporating the Algerian army into royal iconography and public festivals. Colorful broadsides, songs, and plays depicted the men of the Armée d'Afrique as citizen soldiers. Social reformers and colonial theorists formulated plans to settle Algeria with European emigrants. The propaganda used to recruit settlers featured imagery celebrating Algeria's agricultural potential, but the male emigrants who responded were primarily poor, urban laborers who saw the colony as a place to exercise what they saw as their right to work. Generously illustrated with examples of this imperialist iconography, Sessions's work connects a wide-ranging culture of empire to specific policies of colonization during a pivotal period in the genesis of modern France.

Moliére's anticlerical comedy Tartuffe is the unique prism through which Sheryl Kroen views postrevolutionary France in the years of the Restoration. Following the lead of the French men and women who turned to this play in the 1820s to make sense of their world, Kroen exposes the crisis of legitimacy defining the regime in these years and demonstrates how the people of the time made steps toward a democratic resolution to this crisis. Moving from the town squares, where state and ecclesiastical officials orchestrated their public spectacles in favor of the monarchy, to the theaters, where the French used Tartuffe to mock the restored monarch and the church, this cultural history of the Restoration offers a rich and colorful portrait of a period in which critical legacies of the revolutionary period were played out and cemented. While most historians have characterized the Restoration as a period of reaction and reversal, Kroen offers convincing evidence that the Restoration was a critical bridge between the emerging practices of the Old Regime, the Revolution, and the post-1830 politics of protest. She re-creates the atmosphere of Restoration France and at the same time brings major nineteenth-century themes into focus: memory and commemoration, public and private spheres, politics and religion, anticlericalism, and the formation of democratic ideologies and practices.

The triumphant rise of Louis Napoleon Bonaparte over his Republican opponents has been the central theme of most narrative accounts of mid-nineteenth-century France, while resistance to the coup d'état generally has been neglected. By placing the insurrection of December 1851 in a broad perspective of socioeconomic and political development, Ted Margadant displays its full significance as a turning point in modern French history. He argues that, as the first expression of a new form of political participation on the part of the peasants, resistance to the coup was of greater importance than previously supposed. Furthermore, it provides and appropriate testing ground for more general theories of peasant movements and popular revolts. Using manuscript materials in French national and departmental archives that cover all the major areas of revolt, the author examines the insurrection in depth on a national scale. After a brief discussion of the main characteristics of the insurrection, he analyzes its economic and social foundations; the dialectic of repression and conspiracy that fostered the political crisis; and the armed mobilizations, violence, and massive arrests that exploded as the result. A final chapter considers the implications of the insurrection for larger issues in the social and political history of modern France.

شاركت المرأة العراقية إلى جانب الرجل في النشاط الثوري المطالب باستقلال العراق والرافض للاحتلال البريطاني، وكان لها دور مشهود في ثورة العشرين، حيث كانت تعمل على إثار غيرة الرجل وحماسته للدفاع عن الوطن، وكذلك كان لها موقف من المعاهدات العراقية البريطانية، وعلاوة على ذلك يتناول موقف المرأة العراقية من حركة مايس/مايو ١٩٤١، وظهر دور المرأة واضحا في انتفاضة \"بورتسموث\" عام ١٩٤٨م، حيث شاركت بجانب الرجل للتنديد بالاحتلال، وكذلك كان لها دور في انتفاضة تشرين الثاني / نوفمبر ١٩٥٢م، بالإضافة إلى معارضتها لاشتراك العراق في حلف بغداد، كما أسهمت في ثورة ١٤ تموز/يوليو عام ١٩٥٨م، ولقد كانت هذه الثورة نقطة انطلاقة كبرى للمشاركة السياسية للمرأة، وفى آذار/مارس عام ١٩٥٨م أصدرت الحكومة العراقية قوانين جديدة لتطور العراق السياسي والاقتصادي، ومنح المرأة حق ممارسة حقوقها السياسية بعد أن حرمت منها زمنا طويلا.

This chapter talks about another great cultural fashion that hit Paris, one deeply steeped in the biomedical science of the day: a vogue for picturesque and satirical books called “physiologies.” It analyzes physiologies' cultural, social, and, above all, scientific settings — focusing on the journalistic or formal aesthetic qualities of the texts. The early physiological craze shows how conventions of medical writing had begun to influence general approaches to literary form and content. The chapter then examines the emergence of the physiological literary genre in the 1820s and 1830s, focusing upon four of the genre's defining works: Dr. Jean-Louis Alibert's La Physiologie des passions (1825), Jean-Anthelme Brillat-Savarin's La Physiologie du goût (1825–1826), Honoré de Balzac's La Physiologie du mariage (drafted in the 1820s, but published in 1830), and Dr. Morel de Rubempré's La Physiologie de la liberté (1830) — the last which appeared in the aftermath of the July Revolution. It focuses upon how these works emerged from techniques of analysis and narration found in physiological medicine, as authors and editors capitalized upon the successes (and scandals) associated with the new physiological science, as it emerged in the early 1800s, but also how these texts engaged particular political and ideological realities of the post-revolutionary decades.

In 1831, Alexis de Tocqueville and Gustave de Beaumont traveled to America ostensibly to study the country's prison system. It is therefore ironic that the book that emerged from that journey, Democracy in America, was about freedom. More specifically, the trip was a way for Tocqueville to extricate himself from the impossible situation he had to face after the Revolution of July 1830 back in France. In short, he wanted to escape. It is unlikely he would have sailed to America if the July Revolution had not put him in a tight spot personally, politically, and vocationally. Just as Tocqueville's discussion of slavery in his book was not compatible with liberty, writing about prisons was certainly not consistent with thinking about America. His journey to America was thus also an intense personal quest and not a quest to examine democracy in its fullest development.

This chapter contains sections titled: The Ottoman Decision to Go to War The Demographic Effects of the 1912–24 Wars and Population Exchanges The New Political Elite: Turkish Nationalism and Pan‐Islamism The Unionist Worldview Militarism and the War Economy New Forms of Violence The End of the Ottoman Empire References and Further Reading

No detailed description available for \"The Flavors of Iraq\".