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Not quite the United States and not quite Mexico, La Junta de los Rios straddles the border between Texas and Chihuahua, occupying the basin formed by the conjunction of the Rio Grande and the Rio Conchos. It is one of the oldest continuously inhabited settlements in the Chihuahuan Desert, ranking in age and dignity with the Anasazi pueblos of New Mexico. In the first comprehensive history of the region, Jefferson Morgenthaler traces the history of La Junta de los Rios from the formation of the Mexico-Texas border in the mid-19th century to the 1997 ambush shooting of teenage goatherd Esquiel Hernandez by U.S. Marines performing drug interdiction in El Polvo, Texas. \"Though it is scores of miles from a major highway, I found natives, soldiers, rebels, bandidos, heroes, scoundrels, drug lords, scalp hunters, medal winners, and mystics,\" writes Morgenthaler. \"I found love, tragedy, struggle, and stories that have never been told.\" In telling the turbulent history of this remote valley oasis, he examines the consequences of a national border running through a community older than the invisible line that divides it.

How do domestic institutions affect autocratic leaders’ decisions to initiate military conflicts? Contrary to the conventional wisdom, I argue that institutions in some kinds of dictatorships allow regime insiders to hold leaders accountable for their foreign policy decisions. However, the preferences and perceptions of these autocratic domestic audiences vary, with domestic audiences in civilian regimes being more skeptical of using military force than the military officers who form the core constituency in military juntas. In personalist regimes in which there is no effective domestic audience, no predictable mechanism exists for restraining or removing overly belligerent leaders, and leaders tend to be selected for personal characteristics that make them more likely to use military force. I combine these arguments to generate a series of hypotheses about the conflict behavior of autocracies and test the hypotheses using new measures of authoritarian regime type. The findings indicate that, despite the conventional focus on differences between democracies and nondemocracies, substantial variation in conflict initiation occurs among authoritarian regimes. Moreover, civilian regimes with powerful elite audiences are no more belligerent overall than democracies. The result is a deeper understanding of the conflict behavior of autocracies, with important implications for scholars as well as policy makers.

Mempo Giardinelli is an author and journalist from the Chaco province of Argentina. He fled to Mexico in 1976, at the beginning of Argentina’s Dirty War, his life endangered by writings the junta considered subversive. “Kilómetro 11,” published in 1999, takes place a few years after Argentina’s Dirty War has ended. It confronts the traumatic political persecution of that era while demonstrating the victims’enduring humanity through startlingly merciful confrontations with their former jailers.

Este trabajo analiza la validez de las juntas generales telemáticas en Venezuela y Colombia. En Venezuela, aunque no existe una regulación específica, se admite su realización si se respeta la participación y comunicación efectiva de los socios, con base en la autonomía de la voluntad y principios generales del derecho mercantil. En Colombia, la normativa sí contempla expresamente las reuniones no presenciales, en especial tras la Ley 222 de 1995 y la Ley 2069 de 2020, siempre que se garantice la comunicación simultánea entre los participantes. En ambos países, estas juntas virtuales son consideradas válidas si se cumplen ciertos requisitos mínimos que aseguren la legalidad y transparencia del proceso.

Este trabajo analiza la validez de las juntas generales telemáticas en Venezuela y Colombia. En Venezuela, aunque no existe una regulación específica, se admite su realización si se respeta la participación y comunicación efectiva de los socios, con base en la autonomía de la voluntad y principios generales del derecho mercantil. En Colombia, la normativa sí contempla expresamente las reuniones no presenciales, en especial tras la Ley 222 de 1995 y la Ley 2069 de 2020, siempre que se garantice la comunicación simultánea entre los participantes. En ambos países, estas juntas virtuales son consideradas válidas si se cumplen ciertos requisitos mínimos que aseguren la legalidad y transparencia del proceso.

Using forty-five interviews with former members and sympathisers, this book traces the development of the Women's section of the Franco government from its roots in the Spanish fascist party to its role in the dictatorship up to 1959. The study reveals that despite its anti-feminist agenda, the section was, in some areas, a catalyst for women's emancipation in post-Franco Spain. Kathleen Richmond is assistant headteacher at Sandown High School on the Isle of Wight, where she has taught A Level Spanish for many years. She has close ties with Salamanca, where she first became interested in the Civil War and the issue of women in the Franco regime. In 2000, she completed a Ph.D at the University of Southampton, fulfilling a long-held ambition to carry out research. Further work on Sección Femeniña and the writing of this book have followed and she continues to spend as much time as possible in Spain.

We prove the Minimum Vertex Cover problem to be NP-hard to approximate to within a factor of 1.3606, extending on previous PCP and hardness of approximation technique. To that end, one needs to develop a new proof framework, and to borrow and extend ideas from several fields.

Using data from China's listed privately owned enterprises (POEs) during the period from 2002 to 2014, we explore the effects of firm life cycle on board structure. We find that the board size of China's listed POEs declines over firm life cycle, and there is a trend of separation for board chair-CEO duality while board independence remains almost static. We further provide evidence that board size and independence are determined by the benefits of monitoring and advisory roles of the boards through all the stages of firms’ life cycle with different drivers. The impact of CEO power on board chair-CEO duality is determined by the benefits and costs of separation of board chair, and CEOs are supported at all stages of firms’ life cycle. This article sheds light on the dynamic board structure in an emerging economy where the external corporate governance is weaker than that of developed countries. Our findings suggest that the board structures of China's listed POEs are adjusted at various stages of firms’ life cycle, and the adjustments are mostly based on the resources brought by the new board of directors.

Reforms made by the military junta mean science is likely to remain a priority for whoever forms a government. Reforms made by the military junta mean science is likely to remain a priority for whoever forms a government. People in Bangkok line up to vote in the Thai election on 24 March. Thai people queue to cast ballots at a polling station in Bangkok, Thailand