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It has become the convention to associate the exposure of foundational indeterminacies in a state’s identity with change. Many of the ontological security and poststructuralist works in international relations argue that revealing such uncertainties is a threat to the status quo—maintaining the existing narratives and practices used for constituting subjectivity. The article claims that such a revelation does not necessarily lead to a rupture; moreover, it can be used to keep the status quo. It investigates the case of the Islamic Republic of Iran to show how a polity can try to conceal uncertainties related to self-identification and simultaneously embrace them. In the case of the former, Iran pursues certainty in regard to its self through a process of othering: Its identity is constituted in opposition to certain antagonistic others. In the case of the latter, the Iranian subjectivity is articulated in a non-Western context, where the modern gaze of knowledge-seeking and categorizations is rejected. Instead, an “authentic” mode of wisdom is introduced that makes it possible to incorporate indeterminacies and incompatibilities in self-identification. As a result, both concealing and embracing identity-related uncertainties serve the reproduction of the status quo.

The objective of this article is to explore how political Sufism, in conjunction with political Shī’ism, influences contemporary Iranian internal and external affairs, the decision-making process, and the future political ideology. While religion has consistently been an integral part of Iranian state and culture, the primary faith has not always played a definitive role in political decisions throughout history, particularly in recent decades. To gain a deeper understanding of Iranian politics and its future trajectory, it is essential to comprehend the role of Sufi elements within it. This work elucidates the core political Sufi ideas and their persistence and development within Persian borders up to the present day, despite facing substantial opposition from the ulama. Furthermore, in order to identify these Sufi elements within the current Iranian political landscape, the article analyzes all presidential administrations since the Revolution and highlights how political Sufism has become ingrained in both the decision-making process and political propaganda.

In The Politics of Women's Rights in Iran, Arzoo Osanloo explores how Iranian women understand their rights. After the 1979 revolution, Iranian leaders transformed the state into an Islamic republic. At that time, the country's leaders used a renewed discourse of women's rights to symbolize a shift away from the excesses of Western liberalism. Osanloo reveals that the postrevolutionary republic blended practices of a liberal republic with Islamic principles of equality. Her ethnographic study illustrates how women's claims of rights emerge from a hybrid discourse that draws on both liberal individualism and Islamic ideals. Osanloo takes the reader on a journey through numerous sites where rights are being produced--including Qur'anic reading groups, Tehran's family court, and law offices--as she sheds light on the fluid and constructed nature of women's perceptions of rights. In doing so, Osanloo unravels simplistic dichotomies between so-called liberal, universal rights and insular, local culture. The Politics of Women's Rights in Iran casts light on a contemporary non-Western understanding of the meaning behind liberal rights, and raises questions about the misunderstood relationship between modernity and Islam.

On May 23, 1997, Iranian democracy worked. In a surprise to both the electorate and the international community, a little- known cleric named Mohammad Khatami resoundingly defeated the heavily-favored conservative candidate for the presidency of the Islamic Republic, Ali Akbar Nateq-Nouri. For the moment, the votes of the people had trumped the will of the Supreme Leader, Ali Khamenei, who had supported Nateq-Nouri. With 70% of the votes in an election with 80% turnout, Khatami won a powerful popular mandate for his platform of restoring civil rule, easing social restrictions, liberalizing the economy, and improving Iran's relations with the outside world. The years that followed left both sides disappointed. As mutual assurances and gestures of goodwill failed to translate into the grand action needed for a major breakthrough, it seemed that neither side had the will or the political strength needed to deliver a transformational deal. The presidential election 1997 did not seem like it would he a watershed moment for the Islamic Republic.

ABSTRACT This research paper includes an analytical study of Iranian Press that covers 25 years, from 1979 to 2004. This period is very important in Iranian press history because of fast and unexpected happening of socio-cultural and political events such as fall of Shah’s Empire, emergence of Islamic republic regime, Iran-Iraq’s eight years long war and its reconstruction era, presidential elections of 1997, the Press Law of 1985 and then Amendment to it in July 1999 following ban on press publications. The content analysis of qualitative research method was applied in this research paper. The contents of some selected newspapers were also considered as patterns of Iranian press including Kayhan (International), Tehran Times, Ettalaat, Enthekhab, Hamshari, Iran Daily, Salam, Akhbar-e-Eghtesad, Asr-e-Azadegan, Zan, Sobh-e-Emrooz and Neshat. Iranian Press Law of 1985 was the second Press Law in post Islamic Revolution period, ratified on March 19, 1986 and executed on January 31, 1987. It was drafted to define responsibilities on press, its rights, and formatting a Supervisory Board of Press. As it was made during the period of Iran-Iraq war (1980-1988), it caused restrictions on Press Freedom due to security issues. Mohammad Khatami became the president of Iran in May 1997 that led 226 publications to receive their licenses during 1997.The new Parliament amended the Press Law in July 1999. This amendment and its implementation caused the ban on publications and at least 13 newspapers within one week of April 2000 were closed. This ban continued till following year and 44 other publications were also closed. In 1999, press closures were clearly factional and linked with the publication support for the reformists, such as “Salam, Neshat and Khordad, later Zan and Hoviat-e-Khish.” Thus, the establishment of Association for Iranian Journalists (AIJ) and Iranian Women Journalists Association (ROZA) are the most important and positive efforts of Iranian Press in this period.

Examines the factionalism characterizing Iran's national security policy debates. Discussion begins with a look at the political system's institutional arrangements, which provide the Balkanized environment for radicals, traditional conservatives, & reformers to compete for influence. Iranian factional politics is then described in terms of broad ideological fault lines & the alliances & shifting positions of the factions & their subgroups. In this light, attention is given to the factional approach to six key national security issues: Iraq, Iran's role in the Persian Gulf & broader Middle East, relations with Hamas, relations with Hezbollah, the US, & the nuclear program. The negative policy consequences of Iran's factionalism are addressed. Figures. D. Edelman

Canon John Peterson of the Center for Global Justice and Reconciliation, National Cathedral Dean Samuel Lloyd and Bishop John Chane of the Washington, DC Episcopal Diocese stood firm in the face of an extensive campaign to rescind their invitation to Khatami. Khatami, who is known among Iranian academics and intellectual circles as a philosopher and scholar, also impressed audiences at Harvard University, the annual convention of the Islamic Society of North America (ISNA) in Chicago, and the University of Virginia in Charlottesville.