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To discuss issues and concerns in the application of the theory of planned behavior (TPB) to the decision to have a child. We review the basic structure of the TPB, its principles, and its assumptions as they apply to fertility decisions. Among other issues we consider attitudes, subjective norms, and perceptions of control as antecedents to the decision to have a child; the expectancy-value model for understanding the formation of these antecedents; and the role of background factors, such as institutional policies, societal values, and personal characteristics. We illustrate key elements of the TPB using results from a multinational research project and end by considering a number of open questions for TPB-guided fertility research. We conclude that the TPB can usefully be employed to further our understanding of fertility decisions. By examining behavioral, normative, and control beliefs about having a child we can identify important considerations that influence this decision. The information obtained can also guide adoption of policies or interventions designed to encourage (or discourage) couples to have more children.

This study analyses the key transitions over the course of a woman’s life: forming a first union, leaving home, economic independence, and employment. It assesses their association with the probability of motherhood in Spain, a low-fertility country. The study focuses on the timing of these transitions and their particular conditions, as well as the order in which they occur. Data for the analysis are taken from the 2018 Fertility Survey (N = 7,819) conducted by the Spanish National Statistics Institute. We have applied event history models, specifically discrete-time logistic regression models. The study reveals varying relationships between life transitions and motherhood, emphasizing the relevance of both the order and specific characteristics of each transition. Forming a union is the main transition associated with motherhood, being moderated by the type of union, its stability, and by economic and employment circumstances. Leaving the parental home also shows a strong association with the likelihood of motherhood, although it also appears to be mediated by the woman’s economic, union, and employment status. Finally, access to employment favours motherhood, albeit to a lesser extent than the other life transitions.

Patients undergoing fertility treatment, such as IVF, experience a range of emotions—hope, disappointment, grief, anxiety, jealousy, guilt, and anger. Through a sociology of emotions lens, we trace the emotional journey of patients in fertility treatment in Switzerland to understand subjects’ experiences with medically assisted reproduction (MAR), and to highlight how societal and cultural norms and expectations shape the way they use and emotionally manage (failed) fertility treatments. The theoretical background is grounded in the notion of feeling rules (Hochschild, 1983) and associated concepts such as disenfranchised grief (Doka, 2002). Methodologically, the article is based on a qualitative interview study conducted with affected women in Switzerland (LoMAR) and a quantitative analysis of the first wave of CHARLS, a nationwide longitudinal study. Linking qualitative and quantitative data allows us to show the significance of occurring emotions as well as a deeper understanding of particularly strong emotions felt during (failed) treatment cycles that the research participants have disclosed in the interviews. Further, we argue that fertility treatment itself contributes to producing what we call “layers of loss,” a cumulation of multiple losses experienced.

Although the association between fertility and education is central to several theories of fertility behaviour and is frequently explored in empirical work, educational differentials in childlessness and cohort parity progression have been scarcely documented and few cross-country comparisons have been made. This article explores educational gradients with respect to entry into parenthood and parity progression for cohorts born between 1940 and 1961 in 14 low-fertility countries. Using longitudinal microdata, discrete-time event history models for repeated events are estimated for first, second, and third births including a random effect at the level of individual women (shared frailty). Subsequently, estimated hazards are used to calculate cohort parity progression ratios by level of education. Educational gradients in fertility differ strongly between countries whereas change over time within countries is limited. In all countries childlessness is more frequent among highly educated women, suggesting that negative effects of opportunity costs outweigh positive income effects. The effect of unequal selection into motherhood across educational groups on educational gradients in higher order births through unobserved time-invariant characteristics is limited. For second births, Central and Eastern European countries (Bulgaria, Estonia, Georgia, Romania, Russia, Hungary) show negative educational gradients, whereas the educational gradient is neutral or positive in other countries (Norway, Australia, UK, Netherlands, Belgium, France, Spain, Italy). For third births results show that Central and Eastern European countries more often display negative educational gradients, whereas other European regions and Australia show negative gradients, positive gradients, and U-shaped patterns of association. The strong differences between countries suggest that context plays an important role in shaping educational gradients in childlessness and parity progression.

We examine the likelihood of becoming a parent in Italy taking into account the employment (in)stability of both partners in a couple. We use data from four waves of the Italian section of the EU-SILC (Statistics on Income and Living Condition), 2004-2007, accounting for its longitudinal nature. Overall, our results suggest that Italian couples are neither fully traditional nor entirely modern: the \"first pillar\" (i.e., a male partner with a stable and well-paid job) is still crucial in directing fertility decisions, because, in our interpretation, it gives the household a feeling of (relative) economic security. But this “old” family typology is becoming rare. Increasingly, both partners are employed, and in this case the characteristics of their employment prove important. A permanent occupation for both partners is associated with higher fertility, while alternative job typologies for either of the two depress fertility.

Fertility, or childbearing, expectations have been increasingly identified as an important area of research, at least in part because expectations may help us to understand family issues of concern across the globe such as unintended pregnancies, low fertility, and delayed childbearing. While much research has focused on the link between expectations and behavior, this study extends the literature by asking how those expectations were shaped initially. Specifically, we explore how one’s economic context is related to expectations. This paper further extends the literature by focusing on two dimensions of the parenthood expectations of young people (men and women aged 18–27). Using the 2005, 2007, 2009, and 2011 waves of the Panel Studies of Income Dynamics (PSID) Transition to Adulthood (TA) sample, we considered whether young people expected to have children in the future and, for those who did, when they expected to do so. The results support financial-strain theories of the relationship between (subjective and objective) economic circumstances and childbearing expectations. Women and men with lower earnings, less education, and more worries about their future job prospects are more uncertain whether they will have children. Of those who expect to have children, those with more education and more worries expect to do so later in life. Further analyses reveal that race and gender condition these relationships.

How do changes in employment uncertainty matter for fertility? Empirical studies on the impact of employment uncertainty on reproductive decisionmaking offer a variety of conclusions, ranging from gender and socio-economic differences in the effect of employment uncertainty on fertility intentions and behaviour, to the effect of employment on changes in fertility intentions. This article analyses the association between a change in subjective employment uncertainty and fertility intentions and behaviour by distinguishing male and female partners' employment uncertainty, and examines the variation in these associations by education. Using a sample of men and women living in a couple from the Swiss Household Panel (SHP 2002-2011), we examine through multinomial analysis how changes in employment uncertainty and selected socio-demographic factors are related to individual childbearing decisions. Our results show strong gendered effects of changes in employment uncertainty on the revision of reproductive decisions among the highly educated population.

Social egg freezing has increasingly become a topic of public discussion in recent years. It means the cryopreservation (freezing) of human unfertilized egg cells, which enables women to postpone pregnancy to a later age. The discussion has often focused on the normative implications of this technological innovation in reproductive medicine and on the reasons that motivate women to use it. Our study analyzes the covariates of the desire to use social freezing. We model this desire based on a broad rational choice model of decision making. In this theoretical framework, we consider the specific constraints and costs that determine this consideration, but also the benefits that drive the desire to use social freezing in the future. We particularly focus on career ambitions, gender roles, specific benefits and constraints, as well as social norms concerning social freezing. We test this broad rational choice model based on a survey among university students ( = 805) at the University of Zurich conducted in 2023, focusing on a population segment that is especially inclined to consider the utilization of social freezing. Our empirical results show that the desire to use social freezing is driven by both tangible benefits, such as enhanced career prospects and more time to find a suitable partner, and normative benefits, like increased reproductive autonomy. However, the high financial costs of the procedure significantly inhibit potential uptake. Broader attitudes toward gender roles and career orientation also influence these desires, though more immediate cost–benefit considerations largely mediate their effects.

Currently, egg donation is banned in Germany and punishable by law. This criminal ban infringes on the autonomy of egg donors and egg recipients, particularly affecting women or other people who were assigned female at birth in their reproductive freedoms. Furthermore, this results in the regulation and control of female reproduction to a greater extent than male reproduction. In doing so, it manifests an outdated view of women and family that no longer reflects reality. When a woman offers up her body to fulfill someone else’s desire for children, it raises fundamental questions about parenthood, child welfare, exploitation, and self‐determination. While the commodification and abuse of women is criticized, there are also calls to respect women’s freedom to decide about their own bodies. A feminist and intersectional discussion is necessary to examine all aspects from different perspectives. The focus should be on the importance of reproductive self‐determination, which includes the right to freely decide whether and under what conditions to have children and the right to freely decide to support others in their desire to have children. However, this self‐determination cannot be considered separately from social and economic inequalities, which must also be addressed. The article will focus on Germany and German legislation. It will conclude that criminal law is the ultima ratio, that the protection of the affected rights of the egg donor or the child does not require a criminal ban and that other regulations are conceivable and sufficient to prevent exploitation and abuse; there is no reason to deny a woman autonomy over her own body. The current regulations reduce the affected women to a state of vulnerability.

Delayed childbearing has led more individuals and couples to seek medical help for conception in many European countries. In accordance with a stratified reproduction perspective, there is evidence of social disparities concerning who seeks medical help to become pregnant. However, it remains unclear whether and how disparities vary across different stages of the help‐seeking process. This article provides novel evidence on the degree of disparities and associated factors involved in the process of medical help‐seeking to have a child by stage, distinguishing between consulting a doctor, receiving medication, and getting more advanced treatments such as in vitro fertilization. Using wave 1 of the German Family Demographic Panel Study (FReDA), a novel and large data source, we examine women and men aged 18–50 using partial proportional odds models. Women reported a higher lifetime prevalence of help‐seeking (12.3%) than men (8.0%), primarily due to greater use of medication. We found that two of four indicators of social stratification were associated with help‐seeking (income and marital status, but not education and migration background). Women and men with higher household income and those who were married were more likely to seek medical help. Less‐intensive infertility treatment is free, but advanced treatments are expensive, and only married couples are eligible for partial reimbursement. We had therefore expected to find stronger associations for both variables for advanced treatments, which was not the case. This suggests that, even though financial considerations were important, selection into treatment may also be related to other factors, including cultural and knowledge‐based factors.