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Success in politics plays a crucial role in today’s democratic societies. A political party is considered successful when it wins elections and assumes control of the government. The primary factors that determine political success generally include the party's voter base, organizational strength, cohesive narrative, political vision, resource mobilization, and policies that resonate with the socio-economic and religious context of the country. Left-wing parties in Sindh struggled with these critical components, failing to meet the established standards of political success. This paper examines the concept of political success through a critical study of Sindh’s leftist parties, utilizing qualitative methods and scholarly sources. Thie key findings of this paper demonstrate that left-wing parties fail to meet essential benchmarks of political success, including organizational structure, popular narrative, and electoral performance, leading to their irreversible decline

This article offers a novel conceptualization and dataset of post-neoliberal populism in contemporary Latin America and Eastern Europe. By drawing insights from structuralist theories, which understood populism as historically grounded in political economy developments, I critique dominant minimal definitions and propose a synthetic conceptual alternative for the analysis of multidimensional and dynamic challengers of the watershed neoliberal revolutions that both regions have undergone since the late twentieth century. To this end, I disaggregate populism’s key dimensions of anti-establishment discourse, illiberal ideology, and strategic organization into functionally interactive attributes; justify post-neoliberal populism as a family resemblance category; and develop a roadmap for case selection and measurement. I then illustrate the empirical validity and theoretical relevance of my approach by assessing the magnitude of post-neoliberal populism in 198 national-level elections in 33 Latin American and Eastern European democracies and by identifying the decline of the traditional Left as its correlate in both regions. By focusing on conceptual unity and cross-regional parallels, the article demonstrates that, contrary to conventional misconceptions, a family resemblance categorization of contemporary populism not only facilitates empirically rigorous research, but also stimulates mid-range theorizing at the intersection of intra-regional specificity and more general historicity.

This article investigates why, in two different political and institutional contexts, leftist governing parties became agents of empowered inclusion, boosting the capacity of subordinate social actors to shape the agenda of politics and allowing them to push social policy in an inclusionary direction. To explain how and why this happened, it highlights the ambiguous nature of party-society linkages. While societal ties are necessary for sustained significant progress in social and political inclusion, they can also block the later consolidation of achievements. This happens as some groups, once included, block further inclusion. We build our theoretical argument about the two-sided nature of party-society linkages using comparative evidence from Bolivia and Uruguay—two countries where progress toward empowered inclusion has been especially notable in the past two decades. The article contributes to existing scholarship on social and political inclusion by calling for greater attention to the critical but, at times, ambiguous role that the social bases of parties play.

The objective of this article is to study the processes for selecting Democratic Revolution Party (PRD) candidates for state governorships in Mexico between the year 2000 and 2015, in the light of hemerographic data analyzed on the basis of the “inclusion axis” (Rahat 2001). The results identified a tendency of the national leadership to designate gubernatorial candidates directly, as well as to nominate a large number of “outside” candidates. This was an electoral strategy that was designed by the party to counter the organizational heterogeneity of its structure at the state level, but which was not very efficient in electoral terms.

This paper analyses social spending of left and center-left governments recently elected in Latin American countries. It compares the expenditure on targeted social programs as well as on health and education trying to identify what the actions these so-called progressive administrations would be bringing to thesocial field with regards to old practices. It also stresses the relation between proposals presented by these progressive actors before they were in power and what the put in practice afterwards.