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La presente investigación aborda los somatismos en el Libro de Alexandre como unidades fraseológicas que vehiculan la acción bélica, en un marco en que la corporalidad no solo articula el gesto, sino también el sentido simbólico y ritual del discurso épico. El estudio de un corpus delimitado permite observar patrones idiomáticos que revelan cómo determinadas combinaciones locucionales —alzar las manos, alzar los ojos, tornar cabeza, tornar espaldas/cuestas— configuran imágenes codificadas del ruego, la súplica o la retirada. Si bien estos pares comparten estructura sintáctica, presentan divergencias significativas en cuanto a su grado de fijación y frecuencia. Así, alzar las manos muestra un mayor grado de ritualización física frente al carácter introspectivo de alzar los ojos; de igual modo, mientras tornar cabeza y tornar espaldas se consolidan como fraseologismos lexicalizados, tornar cuestas se desactiva progresivamente, lo que permite reflexionar sobre los límites estructurales y semánticos de la fijación fraseológica en la lengua medieval. This study examines somatisms in the Libro de Alexandre as phraseological units that convey military action, within a framework in which corporeality articulates not only gesture but also the symbolic and ritual dimensions of epic discourse. Through a defined corpus, the analysis identifies idiomatic patterns that demonstrate how certain locutional combinations—alzar las manos (\"to raise the hands\"), alzar los ojos (\"to raise the eyes\"), tornar cabeza (\"to turn the head\"), tornar espaldas/cuestas (\"to turn the back/shoulders\")—encode culturally marked images of supplication or retreat. Although these pairs share syntactic structures, they differ significantly in terms of fixation and frequency. Alzar las manos exhibits a higher degree of physical ritualization, whereas alzar los ojos conveys a more introspective dimension. Similarly, while tornar cabeza and tornar espaldas become fully lexicalized phraseologisms, tornar cuestas gradually falls into disuse, offering insights into the structural and semantic limits of phraseological fixation in medieval Spanish.

While many critics (Ramón Menéndez Pidal, Ian Michael and Colin Smith, among others) have suggested a likely influence of Cantar de mio Cid on the authorof Libro de Alexandre, until now no comprehensive catalogue of concordances has been prepared in order to corroborate this hypothesis. This paper aims to provide the most extensive series of equivalences between these two works. A detailed three stage analysis of the poems reveals strong connections of both a thematic and formal nature. First, the common binomial expressions and similar phraseology in both texts are studied from a rhetorical point of view. Second, the constant dialogue with the listener - which both works share - represents a similarity of technique, that should not be underestimated.Third and finally, the analogous treatment that both poems give to certain themes (the spoils of war, the function of dreams, the relationship between conquerors and conquered, and the heros journey) also reveals an extensive inventory of similarities. This study also confirms that a certain set of poetic habits identified by critics in Libro de Alexandre as a trait common to jongleursis a direct legacy of the Cid, which implies a wide distribution and popularity of the epic poem amongst the clergy. Finally, the results of this comparative analysis show a more intense relationship between the poetics of Spanish epic poetry and mester de clerecía than has been generally acknowledged

Las estrofas 2324-2333 del Libro de Alexandre nos ofrecen una traducción, o mejor, una adaptación de los versos 6-30 del libro 10 del Alexandreis de Gautier de Chatillon, en los que se nos presenta a Natura, personificación de la naturaleza, encolerizada por la soberbia de Alejandro. En el presente trabajo estudiamos el tratamiento del personaje que presenta el libro castellano en relación con su modelo latino y con el concepto de \"naturaleza\" elaborado por los autores del \"Renacimiento del siglo XII\".

Se reseñó el libro: Las fuentes bíblicas, patrísticas y judaicas del \"Libro de Alexandre\". 

The discovery of a mid-fifteenth century manuscript of the Libro de Alexandre (Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale) in 1888 gave rise to a considerable polemic concerning the authorship of the work which this manuscript attributes to Berceo. The language it uses is strongly Aragonese, though much influenced by Castilian, and it also contains more coplas than the manuscript previously known. This other manuscript is Leonese in language, and dates from the end of the thirteenth century (Madrid, Biblioteca Nacional). Until 1888 it was the only manuscript known, having been published by Tomás Antonio Sánchez in 1782. I shall refer to these manuscripts by their respective symbols, the Aragonese as P(aris) and the Leonese as O(suna).

Until the appearance of the Paris MS of the Libro de Alexandre, supporters of a Leonese origin for the poem could take comfort in the last stanza of what was thought to be the only extant MS, which seemed to attribute authorship to a certain Johan Lorenço de Astorga: Se quisierdes saber quien escreuio este ditado Johan Lorenço bon clerigo e ondrado natural de Astorga de mannas bien temprado el dia del iuyzio Dios sea mio pagado Amen.

J. Derek Latham's thesis concerning the Arabic provenance of the term mal lugar, though plausible, may fall short of explaining the use of the term in mediaeval Spanish poetry to refer to Hell. Dr Latham suggests that mal lugar derives either directly or indirectly from the Koranic bi' sa l-masir, which he translates literally as 'bad is the place of arrival!', and freely as 'a bad place to end in', Hell being the place in question. He cites seven occurrences of this phrase in the Koran, as well as one case of a slightly different construction, sa' at masiran, which he says is used in exactly the same sense. It is reasonable, the author states, to seek an Arabic source for mal lugar because 'the expression has no antecedents in Latin or a Romance language' (177). I would like to adduce evidence in support of the hypothesis that the phrase mal lugar could have come into being in response to a simple metrical need: an easier word to rhyme than the standard denominator for Hell, infierno. To my knowledge the rhyme -erno (or -ierno) does not occur in a single stanza of mester de clerecía poetry, even though the number of different rhymes to appear in these works is quite large.

It is generally agreed that the Poema de Mio Cid was intended for public recitation, and there seems to be a great deal of evidence to support such a view. The position of the Libro de Alexandre in this respect is far less clear. Menéndez Pidal takes up a strong standpoint with regard to the Alexandre (and indeed to the whole mester de clerecia.