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The International Labour Organization's (ILO) efforts since the early 1990s to address the forced labour situation in Myanmar represent a rare example of success in influencing the behaviour of that regime, and this book gives a first-hand account of these efforts. As the ILO's representative in the country, the author was able to operate a complaint system for victims of forced labour, resulting in prosecutions of government officials and an end to many abuses. In addition to giving a fascinating insider's account of how this was achieved, and the many challenges encountered, the book examines in detail why one of the most repressive military regimes allowed the ILO to operate a complaints mechanism in the first place, and why it felt the need to take action in response to some of those complaints. This book will make a significant contribution to thinking on how to influence authoritarian regimes, as well as understanding the dynamic of relations with Myanmar. As such it is an essential read for scholars of international relations and global governance, human rights, international law and Southeast Asian studies.

The International Labour Organization's (ILO) efforts since the early 1990s to address the forced labour situation in Myanmar represent a rare example of success in influencing the behaviour of that regime, and this book gives a first-hand account of these efforts.As the ILO's representative in the country, the author was able to operate a complaint system for victims of forced labour, resulting in prosecutions of government officials and an end to many abuses. In addition to giving a fascinating insider's account of how this was achieved, and the many challenges encountered, the book examines

Border Capitalism, Disruptedpresents an insightful ethnography of migrant labor regulation at the Mae Sot Special Border Economic Zone on the Myanmar border in northwest Thailand. By bringing a new deployment of workerist and autonomist theory to bear on his fieldwork, Stephen Campbell highlights the ways in which workers' struggles have catalyzed transformations in labor regulation at the frontiers of capital in the global south. Looking outwards from Mae Sot, Campbell engages extant scholarship on flexibilization and precarious labor, which, typically, is based on the development experiences of the global north. Campbell emphasizes the everyday practices of migrants, the police, employers, NGOs, and private passport brokers to understand the \"politics of precarity\" and the new forms of worker organization and resistance that are emerging in Asian industrial zones. Focusing, in particular, on the uses and effects of borders as technologies of rule, Campbell argues that geographies of labor regulation can be read as the contested and fragile outcomes of prior and ongoing working-class struggles.Border Capitalism, Disruptedconcludes that with the weakened influence of formal unions, understanding the role of these alternative forms of working-class organizations in labor-capital relations becomes critical. With a broad data set gleaned from almost two years of fieldwork,Border Capitalism, Disruptedwill appeal directly to those in anthropology, labor studies, political economy, and geography, as well as Southeast Asian studies.

Reducing child and maternal mortality in order to meet the health-related Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) 4 and 5 remains a major challenge in Myanmar. Inadequate care during pregnancy and labour plays an important role in the maternal mortality rate in Myanmar. A Maternal and Child Health (MCH) Voucher Scheme comprising a subsidization for pregnant women to receive four antenatal care (ANC), delivery and postnatal care (PNC) free-of-charge was planned to help women overcome financial barriers in addition to raising awareness of ANC and delivery with skilled birth attendants (SBA), which can reduce the rate of maternal and neonatal death. This study is part of an ex-ante evaluation of a feasibility study of the MCH Voucher Scheme. A costutility analysis was conducted using a decision tree model to assess the cost per disability-adjusted life years (DALYs) averted from the MCH Voucher Scheme compared with the current situation. Most input parameters were obtained from Myanmar context. From the base-case analysis, where the financial burden on households was fully subsidized, the MCH Voucher Scheme increased utilization for ANC from 73 % up to 93 % and for delivery from SBAs from 51 % up to and 71 %, respectively; hence, it is considered to be very cost-effective with an incremental cost-effectiveness ratio of 381 027 kyats per DALY averted (2010, price year). From the probabilistic sensitivity analysis, the MCH Voucher Scheme had a 52 % chance of being a cost-effective option at 1 GDP per capita threshold compared to the current situation. Given that the Voucher Scheme is currently being implemented in one township in Myanmar as a result of this study, ongoing evaluation of the effectiveness and cost-effectiveness of this scheme is warranted. Réduire la mortalité chez la mère et l’enfant afin de répondre aux Objectifs du Millénaire pour le Développement (OMD) reste un défi majeur au Myanmar. L’inadaptation des soins durant la grossesse, et l’accouchement joue un rôle important dans le taux de mortalité maternelle au Myanmar. Un Programme de Coupons pour la Santé Maternelle et Infantile (MCH.) comprenant la mise en place de subsides pour les femmes enceintes leur permettant de recevoir gratuitement quatre soins prénataux (ANC), une assistance à l’accouchement et des soins post-nataux (PNC) a été mis en œuvre pour aider les femmes à surmonter les barrières financières, et pour leur faire prendre conscience que l’assistance de personnels de santé qualifiés (SBA) pour les soins prénataux, et l’accouchement peut réduire le taux de mortalité maternelle et néo-natale. Cette étude fait partie d’une évaluation ex-ante d’une étude de faisabilité du Programme de Coupons MCH. Une analyse de rentabilité a été réalisée en se basant sur une décision prise à partir d’un modèle d’arbre décisionnel pour évaluer le cout par année corrigée du facteur invalidité (DALYs) évité du Programme de Coupons de la MCH, comparé à la situation actuelle. La plupart des paramètres d’entrée ont été obtenus à partir de la situation du Myanmar. Depuis l’analyse de cas de référence, où le poids financier sur les ménages était totalement subventionné, le Programme de Coupons pour la MCH a accru l’utilisation des ANC de 73% à 93% et pour l’accouchement avec les SBA de 51% à 71% respectivement; il est donc considéré comme très rentable avec un rapport cout-efficacité différentiel de 381 027 kyats par DALY évité (2010, année de cout). A partir de l’analyse de sensibilité probabiliste le Programme de Coupons de MCH avait une chance de 52% d’être une option rentable à un niveau de 1 PIB par habitant en comparaison avec la situation actuelle. Considérant que le Programme de Coupons est actuellement mis en place dans une municipalité du Myanmar comme conséquence de cette étude, l’estimation future de l’efficacité et de la rentabilité de ce programme est justifiée; La reducción de la mortalidad infantil y materna con el fin de cumplir con los Objetivos de Desarrollo del Milenio (ODM) 4 y 5 relacionados con la salud sigue siendo un reto importante en Myanmar. El cuidado inadecuado durante el embarazo y el parto juega un papel importante en la tasa de mortalidad materna en Myanmar. Un esquema de Bonos de Salud Materno Infantil (SMI) que comprende un subsidio para las mujeres embarazadas para recibir cuatro visitas de cuidados prenatales (CPN), el parto y la atención postnatal (APN) libre de cargo fue planeado para ayudar a las mujeres a superar las barreras financieras, y para despertar consciencia de los CPN y el parto con la asistencia especializada en el parto (AEP), que pueden reducir la tasa de muerte materna y neonatal. Esta investigación forma parte de una evaluación ex ante de un estudio de viabilidad del Esquema de Bonos de SMI. Un análisis de costo-utilidad se llevó a cabo utilizando un modelo árbol de decisión para evaluar el costo por años de vida ajustados por discapacidad (DALYs) evitados por el Esquema de Bonos de SMI comparado con la situación actual. La mayoría de los parámetros de entrada se obtuvieron del contexto de Myanmar. A partir del análisis del caso base, donde la carga financiera de los hogares fue totalmente subsidiada, el Esquema de Bonos de SMI aumentó la utilización del CPN desde 73% hasta 93% y para el parto con AEP desde el 51% hasta el 71%, respectivamente; por lo tanto, se considera que es muy costo-efectivo con una relación costo-efectividad incremental de 381,027 kyats por DALY evitado (precio año 2010). A partir del análisis probabilístico de sensibilidad, el Esquema de Bonos de SMI tuvo un 52% de probabilidad de ser una opción costo-efectiva en un umbral de una vez el PIB per cápita en comparación con la situación actual. Dado que el Sistema de Bonos está siendo implementado actualmente en un municipio en Myanmar como resultado de este estudio, una evaluación continua de la efectividad y la costo-efectividad de este esquema está en orden. 为实现与卫生相关的千年发展计划 （MDGs） 4和5, 降低儿童 和产妇死亡率仍是缅甸面临的主要挑战。怀孕和分娩期间的 护理不当成为缅甸产妇死亡率高的主要原因。为帮助妇女克 服资金困难, 提高产前护理的意识, 以及选择受训的助产士帮 助生产, 以降低产妇和新生儿死亡率, 一项包含为产妇补贴四 次产前护理 （ANC） 、免费提供分娩和产后护理 （PNC） 的 产妇与儿童健康 （MCH） 补助计划应运而生。本研究是此项 产妇与儿童健康 （MCH） 补助计划可行性研究的事先评估的 一部分。研究采用决策树模型进行成本效用分析产妇与儿童 健康 （MCH） 补助计划与当前情况相比下的每一伤残调整生 命年 （DALYs） 的成本。大部分参数来自缅甸。从基本情况 分析, 充分补贴了家庭的经济负担, 在产妇与儿童健康 （MCH）补助计划下, 产前护理 （ANC） 率从73%提高至 93%, 由受训助产士帮助生产的比例从51%提高至71%。因此, 该计划非常具有成本效益, 增量成本效果比为每伤残调整生命 年 （DALY） 避免381027缅币 （2010年价值） 。 从概率敏感 性分析, 与当前情况相比, 该项产妇与儿童健康 （MCH） 补助 计划在每人均国内生产总值的阈值下具有52%的机会成为有 成本效益的选择。鉴于该计划目前正在缅甸一镇级单位实施, 并为本研究提供数据, 因此对其有效性及成本效益的持续评估 具有很大必要。

Amid Myanmar’s political transition and despite its new government’s discourse of inclusion and dialogue, land conflicts have increased across the country’s ethnic-minority areas. We argue that land plays a central role in the complex interplay of state formation, armed conflict and international development in Myanmar’s contested borderlands and that land conflicts can provide an entry point to make sense of these dynamics. We use ethnographic data and a framework combining Deleuze and Guattari’s concept of assemblages with Foucault’s conception of power to provide a detailed analysis of a multi-stakeholder platform (MSP) addressing land disputes in Myanmar’s south-east. Analysing the platform’s discourses, practices and technologies, we argue that, despite its emphasis on inclusion, participation and dialogue, it is the operation of power that upholds this inherently conflictive assemblage. The platform opens spaces for agency for less-influential actors, but it equally produces de-politicising and exclusive effects. While scholars have typically used assemblage thinking to analyse how state authority is disassembled by the growing role of non-state actors, we aim to further post-structural reflections on state formation and international development by arguing that the central state in Myanmar actually expands its reach into the borderlands through assemblages such as the MSP. This happens at the expense of the authority of quasi-state formations of ethnic armed organisations. Thus, this process is reminiscent of how the Burmese state expanded its reach through assemblages of land and resource extraction during the ‘ceasefire capitalism’ before the transition.

During the Cold War Burma followed a foreign policy of neutralism that was shaped between 1948 and 1954. In 1954, Burma began to move closer to China in order to balance the Western influence in the country. The diplomatic balancing skills of Burmese leaders were reflected in Burma's early postcolonial diplomacy and constitute a substantial core dimension of the Burmese foreign policy tradition. Between 1998 and 2010 Burma was heavily reliant on China in the face of Western sanctions and its relative isolation; China's influence thus increased sharply in that country. Th pattern of China-Burma-US triangular relations that was restructured in the early 1950s reappeared in the twenty-first century. Beginning in 2011, Nay Pyi Taw's policy reflected a determination to weaken China's growing influence and rebalance Burmese relations with Washington and Beijing. However, this Burmese rebalancing was overinterpreted by the media as Nay Pyi Taw's shift into the American orbit. Both Thein Sein and Aung San Suu Kyi have attempted to steer Burma's foreign policy back to its traditional neutralist and nonaligned track.

Although it is not possible to identify a specific, theoretical optimum level of aid coordination for the European Union, there is a broad consensus on the need for reduced transaction costs and greater impact through a stronger adherence to coordination standards. However, neither member states nor European institutions consequently follow a policy in line with a clear coordination principle. And nor do partner countries always push for more donor coordination. This article uses evidence from two country case studies, Myanmar and Rwanda, in which a conducive aid coordination environment is assumed. The former represents the new foundation of an aid architecture in a country, thus expecting the application of high aid effectiveness standards. The latter consists of a partner government with a strong leading role in aid. Although the political economy of donors and partner countries does not always favour coordination, strong recipient government leadership is crucial to align developmental objectives and clearly establish comparative advantages and division of labour among donors.

Recent development in Myanmar has created stronger pull factors on emigrant Burmese workers to return to their motherland. Using a survey of 433 Burmese migrants in Thailand as a case study, this paper examines the impact of Myanmar’s development on the probability of the return of Burmese migrants to Myanmar from Thailand. Development factors such as more foreign direct investment, deregulation, and improvement of public services will encourage Burmese migrant workers to return home. Additionally, in terms of economic development, better job opportunities and political stability are also major pull factors for return migration. The main policy implication of these findings is that the chances that Burmese migrant workers will return home are high if investment opportunities followed by job availability and adequate wages can be found in Myanmar. Myanmar and Thailand should implement education programs set up by the Thai government and facilitate Burmese migrants’ children’s access to these programs as well as protecting migrants’ rights during the period of structural adjustment in Thailand.

The goal of this paper is to examine the contribution of Burmese political activists to the broadening of human rights agenda in Korea, particularly by their public campaign for refugee rights and debate regarding sanctions as a policy tool. The Burmese activists, who came to Korea as migrant workers in the mid-1990s, began to engage in long-distance politics for democratization of the home country in the late 1990s. Compared with their Western counterparts, the effects of their long-distance politics, such as the change in Korean government policies towards Myanmar, were not significant. In the process, however, they made contributions to the host society, recently democratized and utterly unfamiliar with diaspora activism until then, as an unintended consequence. The case demonstrates the possibilities of migrant politics -- on the margin of both the host society and the global Burmese diaspora activism -- can make, with such marginality placing them in a special position to make a difference.

Concerns about appropriate pricing strategies and the high market share of subsidized condoms prompted Population Services International (PSI)/Myanmar to adopt a total market approach (TMA). This article presents data on the size and composition of the Myanmar condom market, identifies inefficiencies and recommends methods for better targeting public subsidy. Data on condom need and condom use came from PSI/Myanmar's (PSI/M's) behavioural surveys; data for key populations' socioeconomic status profiles came from the same surveys and the National Tuberculosis Prevalence Survey. Data on market share, volumes, value and number of condoms were from PSI/M's quarterly retail audits and Joint United Nations Programme on HIV/AIDS (UNAIDS). Between 2008 and 2010, the universal need for condoms decreased from 112.9 to 98.2 million while condom use increased from 32 to 46%. Free and socially marketed condoms dominated the market (94%) in 2009-11 with an increase in the proportion of free condoms over time. The retail price of socially marketed condoms was artificially low at 44 kyats ($0.05 USD) in 2011 while the price for commercial condoms was 119-399 kyats ($0.15-$0.49 USD). Equity analyses demonstrated an equal distribution of female sex workers across national wealth quintiles, but 54% of men who have sex with men and 55% of male clients were in the highest two quintiles. Donor subsidies for condoms increased over time; from $434,000 USD in 2009 to $577,000 USD in 2011. The market for male condoms was stagnant in Myanmar due to: limited demand for condoms among key populations, the dominance of free and socially marketed condoms on the market and a neglected commercial sector. Subsidies for socially marketed and free condoms have prevented the growth of the private sector, an unintended consequence. A TMA is needed to grow and sustain the condom market in Myanmar, which requires close co-ordination between the public, socially marketed and commercial sectors.