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"Labor unions Great Britain History 19th century."
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Attempts At General Union
This volume traces the attempts made after the Napoleonic Wars to link up all the numerous local and sectional Trade Societies into a single comprehensive 'General Trades Union' - attempts which culminated in the short-lived Grand National Consolidated Trades Union formed under Robert Owen's influence in 1833. Based on materials not previously used by historians, this book throws new light on the development of Trade Unionism, particularly in the North of England, during these critical years.
eBook
Limited Livelihoods
Integrating analytical tools from feminist theory, cultural studies and sociology to illuminate detailed historical evidence, Sonya Rose argues that gender was a central principle of the 19th century industrial transformation in England.
eBook
A History of British Labour Law
In the UK the received wisdom has tended to be that,historically, British labour law was abstentionist or non-interventionist, best epitomised by the words of Lord Wedderburn who has written that ‘…collective bargaining has developed in a system which depends very little on the law, which is covered by very few decisions of the judges, and which is controlled by statute very little, if at all.’. It is not until we reach the Industrial Relations Act 1971 that we discover the first attempt in peacetime to move to a legally regulated system. However, the accuracy of this non-interventionist depiction appears to very much depend on the period which is examined, which is why an historical perspective is needed in order to understand the significance of the current shape and scope of British labour law. The aim of this work is to re-examine the received interpretation by looking at both the role given to law, and that anticipated and argued for it, during the most formative period of its development, the period between 1867 and 1945. The book also revisits the debate about war-time legislation which has tended to be viewed as standing apart from mainstream labour law but which the author demonstrates to have important linkages to the past and present.
eBook
Names and stories : Emilia Dilke and Victorian culture
\"Emilia Dilke\" (1840-1904) was known by several names, eventually becoming Lady Dilke - intellectual, feminist, author and President of the Women's Trade Union League. In investigating her life and work, this book examines the full spectrum of 19th-century British thought and custom.
eBook
\Stand by the Union, Mr. Arch\: The Toronto Labour Establishment and the Emigration Mission of Britain's National Agricultural Labourers' Union
In the fall of 1873 Joseph Arch, the President of the England's National Agricultural Labourers' Union (NALU), embarked on a mission to scout Canada as an emigration destination. He was received with much hospitality in Canada. Large-scale migration of British farm-workers had the support of an extraordinary consensus between the NALU, Canadian political and business élites, and the Toronto labour leaders who wielded enormous influence over the labour movement in Ontario. The consensus was the result of developments in British agricultural unionism, Ontario's farming sector, Canada's immigration policy, and the Toronto labour establishment's approach to immigration. However, during the mission, tensions emerged between Arch and the Toronto labour establishment that strained the appearance of international union solidarity. These tensions revealed the treacherous nature of a relationship between labour leaders in an immigrant-receiving country, and an organization, even a union, looking to promote emigration. /// En automne 1873, Joseph Arch, président du Syndicat national des travailleurs agricoles d'Angleterre, s'est embarqué dans une mission visant à découvrir le Canada comme destination d'émigration. Il a été reçu avec beaucoup d'hospitalité au Canada. La migration de grande envergure des travailleurs agricoles britanniques avait l'appui d'un consensus extraordinaire entre le syndicat anglais, les élites politiques et commerciales canadiennes et les chefs syndicalistes torontois qui avaient exercé d'énorme influence sur le mouvement syndical en Ontario. Le consensus était le résultat des développements du syndicalisme agricole britannique, du secteur agricole de l'Ontario, de la politique d'immigration canadienne et de l'approche à l'immigration des syndicats torontois. Toutefois, durant la mission, des tensions se sont déclarées entre Arch et les syndicats torontois, ce qui a mis à l'épreuve l'apparence de la solidarité syndicale internationale. Ces tensions ont révélé la nature perfide d'une relation entre les chefs syndicalistes dans un pays qui recevait les immigrants et un organisme, même un syndicat, qui cherchait à promouvoir l'émigration.
Journal Article
“Princesses and Sweated-Wage Slaves Go Well Together”: Images of British Sweated Workers, 1843–1914
Taking a long-term perspective, this article charts how sweating was represented in different ways in different periods. It examines the practical difficulties reformers faced when moving from portraying certain images exposing sweated labor to the advocacy of remedies for it. At the turn of the twentieth century, the explanation of sweating as a wider issue of poverty had changed considerably from the narrow definition of sweated labor dating back to the 1840s. Initially this identified needlewomen and male artisans in declining trades as the primary victims of sweating. Jews later stereotypically featured prominently as both exploiters and exploited. By the 1890s, women homeworkers were simultaneously foregrounded as passive victims as well as perpetuators of a degenerate sweated “underclass.” From 1906, those depicted in sensational exhibitions plying their trade of sweated labor were no longer designated as isolated “white slaves” but as exploited citizens denied a fair day's pay for a fair day's work. They were also viewed as a danger to national efficiency. Even so, a Liberal government was only prepared to concede one small anti-sweating measure in the form of the 1909 Trade Boards Act. This piece of legislation was gender neutral and covered homeworkers as well as factory hands. But it encompassed only the most notoriously low-paying industries and less then a quarter of a million workers. Successive British parliaments shied away from enacting a national minimum wage until 1999.
Journal Article
Men and Their Histories: Civilizing Subjects
The impact that \"grammars of difference,\" defined as the group of differences entailed within racial, class, & gender hierarchies that are articulated through power relations, have had upon historical writing is studied. After considering the notion's connection to Marxist, feminist, & postcolonial theory, the effects that these grammars of difference had upon 19th-century British historical writing are examined. Harriet Martineau's writings on British imperialism in India & slavery in the US are analyzed, demonstrating their contribution to the creation of a grammar of difference. In addition, Charles Kingsley's & Edward Spencer Beesly's respective works on racial & class issues are considered, emphasizing the contentious nature of their public relationship, both individuals' positions on Governor Eyre's handling of the 1865 workers rebellion in Jamaica, & the extent to which each scholar contemplated the relationship between racial, class, & gender issues. It is concluded that grammars of difference perpetrated by historical writing require further scrutiny in order to promote social & political egalitarianism. 2 Figures. J. W. Parker
Journal Article
The Exclusion of Women From Industry in Nineteenth-Century Britain
In 1868, a clergymen told the annual congress of the National Association for the Promotion of Social Science that “he had long lived in the town of Liverpool, and had been placed in circumstances there which made him frequently regret that there were no places in which women could find employment. The great want was of employment for every class of women, not only for the higher class, but for those placed in humbler circumstances.” At earlier conferences, however, a number of speakers described the abundant opportunities for female employment in other Lancashire towns. Census figures make it clear that the reason lay in the different industrial bases of these towns.
Journal Article