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Kaiser Permanente is the largest managed care organization in the country. It also happens to have the largest and most complex labor-management partnership ever created in the United States. This book tells the story of that partnership-how it started, how it grew, who made it happen, and the lessons to be learned from its successes and complications. With twenty-seven unions and an organization as complex as 8.6-million-member Kaiser Permanente, establishing the partnership was not a simple task and maintaining it has proven to be extraordinarily challenging. Thomas A. Kochan, Adrienne E. Eaton, Robert B. McKersie, and Paul S. Adler are among a team of researchers who have been tracking the evolution of the partnership between Kaiser Permanente and the Coalition of Kaiser Permanente Unions ever since 2001. They review the history of health care labor relations and present a profile of Kaiser Permanente as it has developed over the years. They then delve into the partnership, discussing its achievements and struggles, including the negotiation of the most innovative collective bargaining agreements in the history of American labor relations.Healing Togetherconcludes with an assessment of the Kaiser partnership's effect on the larger health care system and its implications for labor-management relations in other industries.

This article examines changes in levels of confidence in unions and proposes an intra-national comparison between Quebec and the rest of Canada based on the analysis of the three most recent waves of the World Values Survey (WVS) database, of which Canada is part (i.e. 1990, 2000, 2006). After noting differences in the trends of confidence in unions in these two regions, we applied the same logistic regression model to both regions, based on the 2006 WVS wave, in order to bring out the determinants of the propensity of individuals to express confidence in unions. the results show both similarities and differences between the two regions. As for the similarities between Quebec and the rest of Canada, it should be noted that involvement in politics and the fact of being unionized had a positive effect on the respondents' propensity to have confidence in unions whereas most of the socio-demographic variables had no significant effects. As for the differences, the fact of reporting a higher income had a significant negative impact in Quebec, but was not significant in the rest of Canada. the fact of supporting the NDP in the rest of Canada had a more structuring effect on the propensity of individuals to have confidence in unions than the fact of supporting the BQ in Quebec. Moreover, the greater the extent to which citizens in Quebec identified with left-leaning ideological positions, the more likely they were to have confidence in unions. Finally, the respondent's level of education was not significant in the rest of Canada but, cetiris paribus, was highly significant and positively related to confidence in unions in Quebec.

There’s more than one way for workers to organize.

Workers' committees in Israel are adapting to the neoliberal economy, and the resulting changes in the labour market, by increasingly accepting various non‐standard forms of employment. At the same time, however, they are resisting this reconfiguration of the capitalist economy, in an effort to safeguard workers' rights. Torn between the two positions, workers' committees find themselves in a state of permanent “liminality”, their role reduced to merely seeking compromises and ad hoc solutions. As a result, opposition to the adverse effects of non‐standard employment remains localized and fragmented, thereby consolidating such employment arrangements.

The Class Strikes Back examines a number of radical, twenty-first-century workers' struggles. These struggles are characterised by a different kind of unionism and solidarity, arising out of new kinds of labour conditions and responsive to new kinds of social and economic marginalisation. The essays in the collection demonstrate the dramatic growth of syndicalist and autonomist formations and argue for their historical necessity. They show how workers seek to form and join democratic and independent unions that are fundamentally opposed to bureaucratic leadership, compromise, and concessions. Specific case studies dealing with both the Global South and Global North assess the context of local histories and the spatially and temporally located balance of power, while embedding the struggle in a broader picture of resistance and the fight for emancipation.Contributors are: Anne Alexander, Dario Azzellini, Mostafa Bassiouny, Antonios Broumas, Anna Curcio, Demet S. Dinler, Kostas Haritakis, Felix Hauf, Elias Ioakimoglou, Mithilesh Kumar, Kari Lydersen, Chiara Milan, Carlos Olaya, Hansi Oostinga, Ranabir Samaddar, Luke Sinwell, Elmar Wigand.

Seeing the United States as a model for laissez-faire economies discourages research on the distinctive features of the U. S. political economy. The conventional view is that the U.S. economy suffers from chronic coordination problems, in which market actors engage in arm’s-length transactional relationships. This article challenges such generalization by delving into an unexplored tripartite experiment conducted by Labor Secretary Arthur Goldberg during the Kennedy administration in the early 1960s through the President’s Advisory Committee on Labor-Management Policy (LMAC). The experiment was a product of policy entrepreneurs’attempts to tackle the decline of U.S. manufacturers’ market competitiveness and worsening labor-management relations, rather than being merely a negligible outlier of mainstream American liberalism. Given the absence of peak business and labor associations, these entrepreneurs designed the LMAC in a way that made it different from its European counterparts. Drawing from the literature on political entrepreneurship and creative syncretism in American political development, I describe where the tripartite experiment failed and how it paved the way toward industrial pluralism in a legal sense, and toward growth liberalism or reactionary Keynesianism in an economic sense. The article contributes to the burgeoning literature concerning various U.S. policy experiments to address problems in market coordination.

Decentralized Bargaining in the Quebec Health and Social Services Sector: What Do Local Managers Say? This article focuses on local bargaining that took place in the Quebec health and social services network between 2005 and 2008 following implementation of the Act respecting bargaining units in the social affairs sector and amending the Act respecting the process of negotiation of the collective agreements in the public andparapublic sectors (QLR, c. U-0.1), better known as Bill 30. This legislation drastically changed the rules regarding relations between local managers and unions in the Quebec healthcare sector by imposing new union accreditation units and decentralizing part of the collective bargaining process. As part of a study conducted between 2008 and 2011, I endeavored to understand the impact of this decentralization on the work of local managers. More specifically, I sought to determine, from the point of view of local managers, whether the increased managerial flexibility that was supposed to have resulted from this decentralization was reflected in the initial local negotiations. the managers interviewed had mixed feelings. It appears that, in practice, the restrictive bargaining framework, combined with the organizational context in which bargaining took place, limited the ability of local managers to adapt work organization to their institutional realities. KEYWORDS: Local negotiations, public sector, health and social services, Quebec, Bill 30, new public management, reform, managers. Cet article s'interesse aux negociations locales ayant eu lieu dans le reseau quebecois de la sante et des services sociaux entre 2005 et 2008, suite a la mise en cuvre de la derniere reforme de ce secteur. Dans le cadre d'une recherche realisee entre 2008 et 2011, nous nous sommes interesses au regard que portent les gestionnaires locaux sur le deroulement et les resultats des premieres negociations collectives locales. Plus specifiquement, nous avons voulu verifier si l'augmentation des marges de mancuvre manageriales qui devaient decouler de cette decentralisation s'est refletee dans les premieres negociations locales. Notre analyse souleve le fait que le contexte organisationnel ainsi que les regles encadrant les negociations locales ont limite la capacite des gestionnaires locaux d'utiliser les marges de mancuvre theoriquement permises par la decentralisation dans le but d'adapter l'organisation du travail aux realites des etablissements. MOTS-CLES : Negociations locales, secteur public, sante et services sociaux, Quebec, Loi 30, nouveau management public, reforme, gestionnaires. Este articulo se interesa a las negociaciones locales que se realizaron en el sector quebequense de la salud y de los servicios sociales entre 2005 y 2008 como consecuencia de la implantacion de la Ley relativa a las unidades de negociacion de las convenciones colectivas en el sector publico y parapublico, mejor conocida bajo el nombre de \"Ley 30\". Esta ultima ha modificado profundamente las reglas de juego respecto a las relaciones entre los directivos y los sindicatos locales del sector de la salud quebequense, y esto, imponiendo nuevas unidades de acreditacion sindical y descentralizando una parte de la negociacion de las convenciones colectivas. En el cuadro de una investigacion llevada a cabo entre 2008 y 2011, se tuvo como objetivo comprender los impactos de esta descentralizacion sobre el trabajo de los directivos locales. Mas especificamente, se quiso verificar si, desde el punto de vista de los directivos locales, la aumentacion de margenes de maniobra patronales que debian resultar de esta descentralizacion se ha reflejado en las primeras negociaciones locales. Las opiniones de los directivos encontrados son mas bien mitigadas. En efecto, se constata que el marco restrictivo de las negociaciones, combinado al contexto organizacional en el cual estas se realizaban, y a pesar de los margenes de maniobra teoricamente permitidos por la descentralizacion, ha en realidad limitado la capacidad de los directivos locales para adoptar la organizacion de trabajo a las realidades de sus establecimientos. PALABRAS CLAVES: Negociaciones locales, sector publico, salud y servicios sociales, Quebec, Ley 30, nueva gestion publica, reforma, directivos.

Setting the scene -- The articulation activities of European industry federations -- EWC agreements : the impact of the directive on coverage, barriers and content -- Information, consultation and company restructuring : views on the core EWC agenda -- EWC infrastructure : articulation in the context of communication, training and collective identity -- Beyond the formal information and consultation agenda -- From review to recast : contesting the revision of the directive -- Conclusion : towards a transnational industrial relations institution.