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This essay stages a critical conversation between Stuart Hall and Ernesto Laclau, comparing their different appropriations of Antonio Gramsci’s theory of hegemony. In the 1980s, Hall and Laclau engaged with Gramsci and with one another in order to conceptualize what they regarded as a triangular relation between the rise of Thatcherism, the crisis of the Left, and the emergence of new social movements. While many of their readers emphasize the undeniable similarities and mutual influences that exist between Hall and Laclau, this essay focuses on the differences between their theories of hegemony and locates the starkest contrast between them at the level of theoretical practice. While the main lesson that Hall drew from Gramsci was the privileging of conjunctural analysis, Laclau proceeded to locate the concept of hegemony at a higher level of abstraction, developing a political ontology increasingly indifferent to any specific conjuncture. The essay argues that this difference between conjunctural analysis and political ontology has a significant impact on Hall’s and Laclau’s respective understandings of two key political formations: populism and identity politics. Thus by focusing on these two formations, the essay argues that Hall’s work should not be read as a derivative or even undertheorized version of Laclau’s, for this tendency obscures substantial differences between their interventions as well as the fact that Hall’s theory of hegemony, as a theory of the conjuncture, ultimately possesses stronger explanatory power than Laclau’s political ontology.

The current rise of populism is often associated with affects. However, the exact relationship between populism and affects is unclear. This article addresses the question of what is distinctive about populist (appeals to) affects. It does so against the backdrop of a Laclauian conception of populism as a political logic that appeals to a morally laden frontier between two homogenous groups, ‘the people’ and ‘those in power’, in order to establish a new hegemonic order. I argue that it is distinctive of populism that it breaks with the dominating feeling rules by overtly appealing to affects and reclaiming them for the realm of the political. The article explores three groups of affective phenomena: discontent, anger, and fear; empathetic, sympathetic, group-based, and shared emotions; and collective passions of enthusiasm and love. It shows how an appeal to these affects relates to the political logic of populism itself by contributing to the concretization, collectivization, and unification of affects.

This study aims to deepen the reflections on E-government (E-gov) from an analysis of the discursive field of innovation in the public sector in Cape Verde from the point of view of Laclau and Mouffe's Discourse Theory. An instrumental case study was conducted using the reproduction method proposed by Glynos and Howarth and discourse analysis (French matrix). The aim was to unveil the phantasmatic logic of the discursive articulation of this social practice of the subjects that constituted the E-gov. The results show that although E-gov is an incomplete, vulnerable, and contingent entity, the identity of the agents involved in its discursive articulation depends on its capacity to reiterate the discourses of 'the information society,' 'E-government as a strategic option for development,' and 'state reform and administrative modernization' over time. However, E-gov has revealed itself as a discursive system impregnated with demands related to an occasional technicality and to the implicit belief of agents of the Cape Verdean public sector that the use of ICT by public institutions generates structuring advances in administrative modernization and social transformation. Keywords: e-government; innovation in public management; discourse theory; discourse analysis. O objetivo deste estudo consiste em aprofundar as reflexoes sobre o e-government (e-gov) a partir de uma analise do campo discursivo da inovacao no setor publico em Cabo Verde, sob a otica da Teoria do Discurso (TD) de Ernesto Laclau e Chantal Mouffe. Por meio de um estudo de caso instrumental e usando o metodo da retroducao proposto por Jason Glynos e David Howarth e a analise do discurso (de matriz francesa) dos sujeitos que constituiram o e-gov, buscamos desvelar a logica fantasmatica da articulacao discursiva dessa pratica social. Os resultados mostram, por um lado, que, embora, o e-gov seja uma entidade incompleta, vulneravel e contingente, a identidade dos agentes envolvidos em sua articulacao discursiva depende de sua capacidade de reiterar os discursos de \"aposta na sociedade da informacao\", \"e-government como opcao estrategica para o desenvolvimento\" e \"reforma do Estado e modernizacao administrativa\" ao longo do tempo. Por outro lado, o e-gov se revelou um sistema discursivo impregnado de demandas relacionadas a um tecnicismo ocasional e a crenca implicita dos agentes do setor publico cabo-verdiano de que o uso das tecnologias de informacao e comunicacao (TIC) pelas instituicoes publicas gera avancos estruturadores na modernizacao administrativa e na transformacao social. Palavras-chave: e-government; inovacao na gestao publica; teoria do discurso; analise do discurso. El objetivo de este estudio consiste en profundizar las reflexiones sobre el e- gobierno (e-gov) a partir de un analisis del campo discursivo de la innovacion en el sector publico en Cabo Verde bajo la optica de la Teoria del Discurso de Ernesto Laclau y Chantal Mouffe. Para ello, por medio de un estudio de caso instrumental y usando el metodo de retroduccion propuesto por Glynos y Howarth y el analisis del discurso (de matriz francesa) de los sujetos que constituyeron el e-gov, buscamos desvelar la logica fantasmatica de la articulacion discursiva de esa practica social. Los resultados muestran, por un lado, que aunque el e-gov sea una entidad incompleta, vulnerable y contingente, la identidad de los agentes involucrados en su articulacion discursiva depende de su capacidad de reiterar los discursos de 'apuesta en la sociedad de la informacion', 'e-government como opcion estrategica para el desarrollo' y 'reforma del Estado y modernizacion administrativa' a lo largo del tiempo. Por otro lado, el e-gov se revelo como un sistema discursivo impregnado de demandas relacionadas a un tecnicismo ocasional ya la creencia implicita de los agentes del sector publico caboverdiano de que el uso de las TIC por parte de las instituciones publicas genera avances estructuradores en la modernizacion administrativa y en la transformacion social. Palabras clave: e-government; innovacion en la gestion publica; teoria del discurso; analisis del discurso.

The purpose of this article is to offer a feminist critique of populism, not as a distinct mode of politics, but as an analytical and political concept. As such, it seeks to redirect our attention away from populism, understood as a politics ‘out there’, towards the academic theoretical debates that have given this analytical term a new lease of life and propelled it beyond academic circles into the wider public discourse. In this context, the article develops two broad arguments. The first is that the two prevailing conceptions of populism are marred by anaemic conceptions of power, collective agency and subjectivity and, as such, are unable to present us with a convincing account of why this form of radical politics emerges in the first place, who its protagonists are, and how they come together in collective struggle. The second is that our current frenetic deployment of the term as a blanket descriptor for radical politics of all persuasions does not bode well for feminism politically. For both reasons, I conclude that feminists need to resist the current ‘populist hype’.

What makes an external whistleblower effective? Whistleblowers represent an important conduit for dissensus, providing valuable information about ethical breaches and organizational wrongdoing. They often speak out about injustice from a relatively weak position of power, with the aim of changing the status quo. But many external whistleblowers fail in this attempt to make their claims heard and thus secure change. Some can experience severe retaliation and public blacklisting, while others are ignored. This article examines how whistleblowers can succeed in bringing their claims to the public's attention. We draw on analyses of political struggle by Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe. Specifically, we propose that through the raising of a demand, the whistleblowing subject can emerge as part of a chain of equivalences, in a counter-hegemonic movement that challenges the status quo. An analysis of a high-profile case of tax justice whistleblowing-that of Rudolf Elmer-illustrates our argument. Our proposed theoretical framing builds upon and contributes to literature on whistleblowing as organizational parrhesia by demonstrating how parrhesiastic demand might lead to change in public perception through the formation of alliances with other disparate interests—albeit that the process is precarious and complex. Practically, our article illuminates a persistent concern for those engaged in dissensus via whistleblowing, and whose actions are frequently ignored or silenced. We demonstrate how such actions can move towards securing public support in order to make a difference and achieve change.

Objective/Context: This article analyses the causes and consequences of the transition from Marxism to post-Marxism in Ernesto Laclau’s work by establishing four permanent themes throughout his oeuvre that are scenarios of this shift: the question of the constitution of society, a theory of the political subject, the issue of political strategy and the question of the project. Methodology: The research strategy envisages genealogical archaeology. On the one hand, archaeology allows a synchronic analytical procedure to study the different stages in the author’s work. On the other hand, genealogy enables a diachronic study of the treatment of the four major themes in the successive theoretical interventions. Conclusions: This paper shows how the ontological rupture affects the theory of the subject, the strategic conception, and the position of the future. The category of hegemony and discourse intervene in a new conceptual matrix that admits the infinity of the social as a historical and theoretical condition. From this movement, developments in rhetoric and psychoanalysis offer tools for investigating the three theoretical problems, and the change of epoch opens up a reflection on the horizon of the democratic future. Originality: The article contributes to the knowledge of Ernesto Laclau’s proposal, explaining the conditions of his post-Marxist evolution and establishing conditions for a dialogue in the field of critical theory that focuses on the four problems: order, subjects, strategy, and the future.

This paper proposes a new theoretical perspective for understanding urban social spaces and their interrelations. In an effort to understand these multifaceted, complex relations, an inquiry committed to a flat ontology was deployed. Accordingly, we draw our theorization on the Lacanian ontological lack, Harman’s object-oriented ontology, and Laclau and Mouffe’s discursivity of social reality. Thus, we propose that urban social spaces are discursive and real entities with real and sensual qualities and constituted through specific relations. They are located within discursive social relations, where each urban social space has a “differential position” in an urban system of relations. Each urban social space has an “identity,” defined by its specific mixture of social groups and its specific real and sensual qualities. These qualities construct a sensual object with a specific sensual identity within the web of different urban social spaces. Therefore, urban social spaces are being made through multiple interrelations and are constituted through their location in a nexus of positions. The proposed framework that captures the interrelations among urban social spaces is based on three interrelated logics: the logic of difference, the logic of equivalence, and the fantasmatic logic. Understanding the relations of urban social spaces through these logics offers multifaceted social, political, psychological, and spatial illumination, details, and a more nuanced and flexible investigation of the formation and change of these spaces. Hereby, the city is conceived as comprised of spatiotemporal configurations where social spaces have social and political relations ranging from harshly antagonistic to inclusive and equivalent. This proposed framework informs both sociological and political realms of planning theory. It provides planning theory with new perspectives for understanding the city as a web of interrelated social spaces. Furthermore, it allows a more critical understanding of urban reality by illuminating inequality, injustice, antagonism, and the formulation of “otherness.”

PALABRAS CLAVE: Ernesto Laclau; hegemonía; populismo; discurso.

Models explaining populism as a policy response to the interests of the urban poor struggle to understand the instability of populist mobilisations. A focus on political theatre is more helpful. This article extends the debate on populist performance, showing how populists typically do not produce rehearsed performances to passive audiences. In drawing ‘the people’ on stage they are forced to improvise. As a result, populist performances are rarely sustained. The article describes the Zambian Patriotic Front’s (PF) theatrical insurrection in 2006 and its evolution over the next decade. The PF’s populist aspect had faded by 2008 and gradually disappeared in parallel with its leader Michael Sata’s ill-health and eventual death in 2014. The party was nonetheless electorally successful. The article accounts for this evolution and describes a ‘post-populist’ legacy featuring of hyper-partisanship, violence and authoritarianism. Intolerance was justified in the populist moment as a reflection of anger at inequality; it now floats free of any programme.