Explore the vast range of titles available.

\"Language, Identity, and Syrian Political Activism on Social Media is an empirical contemporary Arabic sociolinguistic investigation informed by theories and notions developed in the fields of Arabic linguistics, sociolinguistics, discourse analysis and linguistic anthropology. Building on the Bakhtinian concept of linguistic hybridity, this book conducts a longitudinal analysis of Syrian dissidents' social media practices between 2009 and 2017. It shows how dissidents have used social media to emerge in the discourse about the Syrian conflict and how language has been used symbolically as a tool of social and political engagement in an increasingly complex sociopolitical context. This monograph is ideal for students, sociolinguists and researchers interested in Arabic language and identity\"-- Provided by publisher.

This essay explores Palestinian Arab knowledge production on Zionism. It focuses on the life of Ribhi Kamal (1912–79), a Palestinian scholar of Semitic languages who grew up in Jerusalem and excelled in modern Hebrew. During the 1948 War, Kamal was exiled to Damascus, where he repurposed his expertise in the service of the Syrian state. Kamal became the host of Radio Damascus’s Hebrew-language broadcast, a propaganda program that called on Jewish Israelis to resist Zionism and return to their “true” home countries. Kamal’s biography and work on Radio Damascus raise several broader questions. What led Arab intellectuals to study Hebrew in the early twentieth century? How did Palestinians employ their pre-1948 knowledge of Hebrew and Zionism in the service of post-1948 Arab governments? And how did Arab governments use radio as a tool of anticolonial propaganda?

From ISIS propaganda videos to popular regime-backed TV series and digital activism, the Syrian conflict has been dramatically affected by the production of media, at the same time generating in its turn an impressive visual culture. Yet what are the aesthetic, political and material implications of the collusion between the production of this sheer amount of visual media being continuously shared and re-manipulated on the Internet, and the performance of the conflict on the ground? This ethnography uses the Syrian case to reflect more broadly on how the networked age reshapes contemporary warfare and impacts on the enactment of violence through images and on images. In stark contrast to the techno-utopias celebrating digital democracy and participatory cultures, Donatella Della Ratta’s analysis exposes the dark side of online practices, where visual regimes of representation and media production dramatically intertwine with modes of destruction and the performance of violence. Exploring the most socially-mediated conflict of contemporary times, the book offers a fascinating insight into the transformation of warfare and life in the age of the internet.

Background Syrian migrants represent the third-largest group of foreigners in Germany and are therefore potential users of health promotion initiatives, including nutrition programs. It is little known how (healthy) nutrition is understood and implemented by this group and which factors influence their experiences related to food and eating in the host country. Thus, this study aimed to explore the importance of (healthy) nutrition, facilitators, and barriers of a preferred diet; nutritional changes in relation to the country of origin; and how nutrition may change with increasing length of stay. Methods Thirty semi-structured qualitative interviews with Syrian migrants (male = 16, female = 14, 18–35 years, length of stay 10–68 months) were conducted in 2018. Seventeen migrants could be followed-up after 12 months and were interviewed in 2019 again and were asked for changes in their nutritional behavior. Interviews were conducted in German, English, or Arabic, transcribed and translated into English if necessary. For analysis, an abbreviated version of the Grounded Theory was used. Results We identified six overarching themes that described influencing factors on a favored diet in Germany over the course of stay: (1) managing everyday life; (2) intercultural contact with local residents; (3) social context of cooking and eating; (4) ambiguity toward Arabic food; (5) mistrust toward certain types of food; and (6) influence of postmigration stressors. In general, the importance of nutrition is high among Syrian migrants. However, daily stressors, the lack of practical knowledge of how to cook favored dishes, and food insecurity in the new food environment make it difficult to obtain a preferred diet. With increasing stay, many developed a higher awareness of healthy eating, mainly due to a new independence or influences from the social environment in Germany. Conclusion Results highlight the need for health promotion interventions to be more responsive to the specific needs of Syrian migrants, including nutrition. Syrian migrants differ in their capabilities, needs, and aims, and they should be addressed differently by health professionals, social services or migrant specific services. Future research should continue to focus on the living conditions of Syrian migrants and its influence on nutrition.

In the last decade, Europe has welcomed numerous migrants and refugees from Arab countries. The presence of these migrants and refugees in schools has posed the challenge of unfamiliar realities for teaching staff. The issue has been addressed from the perspectives of sociology to psychology, providing insights into the nature of intercultural education. Few studies have delved into pupils' cultural backgrounds, and the history of one's country of origin is seldom regarded as a decisive factor in the formation of identity. The Arabic-speaking Moroccan and Syrian communities are the most significant and have interesting histories and education systems. Using Nussbaum's (2010) multifactorial analysis, this research aims to better understand the educational background of Arabicspeaking pupils, focusing on humanities and religious education of those from Morocco and Syria. The methodology embodies qualitative empirical research conducted in Europe that addressed the main factor identified by Nussbaum (2010). The results show the education experience of Syrian and Moroccan pupils was affected by their home country education policies, especially where minority and relationship issues with Europe, the West and Israel were concerned.

Peace education has evolved over the past century, addressing various forms of violence and fostering values essential for harmonious coexistence. This research underscores the importance of addressing harmony and creating a peaceful environment through education utilizing Johan Galtung's framework on direct and structural violence. This study explores the adaptation of UNESCO's \"Learning to Live Together\" peace education program to meet the needs of fourth graders in refugee-receiving schools in Türkiye. The adapted program aims to equip individuals with skills for conflict resolution, empathy, and social justice, which are essential for both local and refugee students. A qualitative phenomenological approach was employed to capture the experiences of school components including local and refugee parents and students, teachers, school counselors, and vice principal, providing insights into the challenges and needs within this unique educational setting. As a result of the analysis of the semi-structured interviews with school components, three themes emerged: (1) Aggravating Factors for Unity, (2) Institutional Needs and Issues, and (3) Facilitative Factors for Unity. The needs analysis revealed significant aggravating factors for unity, such as language proficiency, socio-economic issues, and prejudice, necessitating a comprehensive, culturally sensitive educational intervention. However, factors like parental characteristics and a peaceful school environment can serve as facilitator factors. The study's findings informed the development of a 13-session peace education program for 4th graders tailored to the identified needs, emphasizing cultural recognition, conflict resolution, and empathy. This research highlights the critical role of peace education in promoting social cohesion and resilience, offering valuable insights for policymakers and educators in similar contexts.

The Middle East is experiencing a new era involving a cold war between the theocratic Shi’i state of Iran and its rival Saudi Arabia, a theocratic Sunni state, both considering themselves the leader of the Muslim world. These countries have been rivals for decades, and the consequences of this rivalry have been shaping the Middle East since 2011. This research intends to review the main issues over the last four decades involved in the rivalry between Iran and Saudi Arabia. By examining the main issues involved in this rivalry, the research attempts to discover whether the animosity between Tehran and Riyadh following the Arab Spring is based on both sides’ effort to strengthen their proxies by using the Arab Spring’s flames. The research suggests a new conceptualization of how religion – Sunna and Shi’a – represents the historical clash on the question of who should have, must have, and who has the historical right to lead the Islamic world. This clash originated mainly from one focal base, Islam, yet it represents a separation between ‘theo’ – the Islamic religion, and ‘civilio’ – ethnic rivalry, or Arab vs. Persian culture. The objective of the study is to offer a practical solution to enable the two rivals to coexist for the region’s greater good, even if they cannot fully resolve their rivalry.

Background Knowledge and awareness about osteoporosis and its related risk factors are important contributors to osteoporosis preventive behavior. There is a need to assess the reliability of international osteoporosis-related knowledge and belief measurement tools in Arabic community. This study aimed to assess the reliability of the Arabic version of Osteoporosis Knowledge Assessment Tool (OKAT) and the Osteoporosis Health Belief Scale (OHBS) among Syrian women. Methods The study included two phases. The first phase included a forward and backward translation of the osteoporosis-related tools (OKAT and OHBS) followed by a pilot testing. The second phase was an assessment of the test-retest reliability of the tools among a convenience sample of one hundred working women at Damascus Faculty of Medicine and its teaching hospitals. For this purpose each instrument was administered twice to all women at an interval of two weeks. Data collection took place in the fall of 2011, and was facilitated by a trained interviewer whose task was to administer the tools and collect some background data from the women who consented to participate in the study. Results A total of one hundred women were recruited in this study for the reliability test-retest of the Arabic version of the tools. The mean age of studied women was 37.1 (SD = 8.4) years. Most of the women were married and nearly one-half of them had a university education. The internal consistency values for OHBS (Cronbach’s alpha = 0.806) as well as the OKAT (Cronbach’s alpha = 0.824) met the 0.7 Cronbach’s alpha value requirement. Item analysis did not necessitate any omissions in either tool. McNemar’s test identified only three items on the OKAT questionnaire that significantly differed from the test to the retest. The OKAT mean score (SD) for the test was 9.4 (2.6) and that for the re-test was 10.1 (2.9). Paired t test did not show significant difference (P = 0.068). Conclusion The Arabic version of both the Osteoporosis Knowledge Assessment Tool (OKAT) and the Osteoporosis Health Belief Scale (OHBS) was found to be reliable as well as acceptable. Further research is needed as to complete the validation of those tools and to use them at larger scale whether in knowledge assessment or in assessing interventions.

This essay explores the ways in which in the period following the First World War, non-Muslim communities participated in the establishment of Modern Standard Arabic as the foremost symbol of the new states that replaced the Arab provinces of the Ottoman Empire. A comparison of the sociolinguistic trajectories of Syriac Christians in North Iraq, Jews in Baghdad and Catholic Christians in Palestine suggests that Arabic's function of undergirding the 'Arab states' thrived on earlier interpretations of Arabic as the language of interregional and interdenominational contacts and as the language of cultural, societal and political modernization rather than on exclusivist nationalist, ethnic or linguistic identifications. Put differently, the increased use of Arabic by those who also had other languages at their disposal resulted from the combination of pragmatism with commitment to societal modernization and inclusive nationalism. The linguistic trajectories of these three groups are analysed against the background of a rereading of George Antonius' The Arab Awakening (1938) as a contemporary source for the rise of Arab nationalism among non-Muslim minorities.

Germany was the favoured destination for many refugees due to its welcoming policies for integration, which include liberal asylum laws, healthcare and educational advantages and pre-existing familial links.2 As of December 2018, there are nearly 700 000 Syrians living in Germany, a large increase from 2016 due to positive decisions on asylum claims as well as resettlements.3 A significant number who sought asylum in Germany hold professional qualifications and university degrees, including medical doctors, dentists and other healthcare workers.4 Although there are no official numbers, the German Medical Association states that the largest influx of foreign doctors in the past year are from Syria, with nearly 737 Syrian physicians entering the German workforce in 2017.5 They also estimate that there are more than 3370 Syrian doctors working in Germany, including those who arrived before the onset of the Syrian conflict.4 However, this likely underestimates the true number as it omits those who have German citizenship or are completing their registration. Historical precedents whereby refugee healthcare workers have been integrated into host countries exist.8 After the Second World War, the UK welcomed refugee healthcare workers into the National Health Service; similarly, in the 1950s, Egypt permitted Palestinian refugee healthcare workers to practise.8 More recently, Sweden launched Snabbsparet, a fast-track initiative to help new immigrants have their licenses accredited for the health sector following negotiations between associations and trade unions.9 Some governments have been under political pressure from their medical associations to prevent Syrian healthcare workers from integrating into the workforce (Jordan, Lebanon),10 whereas others such as Turkey have opted for the retraining of doctors and limiting their practice to working in Migrant Health Centres.11 Though Germany is among the most advanced countries in Europe in their support of integrating refugee doctors into their workforce, the process remains challenging, particularly for refugees from non-European Union (EU) countries. For many, outstretched waiting periods and bureaucratic procedures can take a toll on their mental health despite some support being available.15The table 1 explores the challenges faced by Syrian healthcare workers in Germany in more depth. Mental health of healthcare workers Many of the Syrian healthcare workers practised during the war seeing trauma patients; many would have lost family members, been imprisoned or been threatened by various groups.