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40,286 result(s) for "Latinas"
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Social Variation and the Latin Language
Languages show variations according to the social class of speakers and Latin was no exception, as readers of Petronius are aware. The Romance languages have traditionally been regarded as developing out of a 'language of the common people' (Vulgar Latin), but studies of modern languages demonstrate that linguistic change does not merely come, in the social sense, 'from below'. There is change from above, as prestige usages work their way down the social scale, and change may also occur across the social classes. This book is a history of many of the developments undergone by the Latin language as it changed into Romance, demonstrating the varying social levels at which change was initiated. About thirty topics are dealt with, many of them more systematically than ever before. Discussions often start in the early Republic with Plautus, and the book is as much about the literary language as about informal varieties.
The Cambridge Companion to Ovid
Ovid was one of the greatest writers of classical antiquity, and arguably the single most influential ancient poet for post-classical literature and culture. In this Cambridge Companion, chapters by leading authorities from Europe and North America discuss the backgrounds and contexts for Ovid, the individual works, and his influence on later literature and art. Coverage of essential information is combined with exciting critical approaches. This Companion is designed both as an accessible handbook for the general reader who wishes to learn about Ovid, and as a series of stimulating essays for students of Latin poetry and of the classical tradition.
LA CULTURA DIVINATORIA IN SCENA
References to the divination in Plautine comedies can be used to elucidate two passages in Menaechmi. In Men., 168 odore inlucido, preserved by manuscripts and generally disliked by editors, can be kept; and in Men., 838 the conjecture ille coruus albus by Bernardini Marzolla (1961), so far overlooked by scholars, is in fact strenghtened.
Growing up Latina in the U.S.: Controlling images, stereotypes, and resistance
This paper draws on a controlling images framework and focus group data from seventy-eight Latina teen girls to address two research questions: (1) What do Latina girls like about being Latina? and (2) How do they think others view Latinas? Data were collected in Phoenix, Arizona during the Trump administration. Despite growing up in a highly politicized anti-immigrant (and by extension anti-Latina/o climate), girls viewed themselves as being part of a larger family and community with shared cultural heritage and traditions and were proud of their ethnic heritage. In contrast, they believed that others (read white people) view Latinas/os as lazy, criminals, outsiders, and unable to make it in society. They noted that Latinas continue to be stereotyped as either traditional good girls or loud, angry, hypersexual bad girls. Girls resisted these depictions. Implications for how to combat controlling images and stereotypes focused at Latinas are discussed.
To Latinx or Not to Latinx: A Question of Gender Inclusivity Versus Gender Neutrality
I first saw the word \"Latinx\" at an academic conference a few years ago. As a native Spanish speaker, my first reaction was to squint to confirm I was not making up an \"x\" where I expected an \"o,\" \"a,\" \"o/a,\" or even \"@,\" as I had seen before. It was not until the speaker clearly pronounced the final \"x\" (as in \\luh-tee-neks\\) that I realized what I had read was not a typo, but a new label used to describe people of Latin American origin or descent. Latinx began appearing in social media and on the Internet as a designation that visibilizes gender-expansive people (i.e., those who do not subscribe to the femininemasculine gender binary or who choose not to be defined by their gender), who are traditionally made invisible by the gendered structure of Spanish grammar.Despite heated discussions about its pros and cons,1 5 the use of Latinx in academia has grown dramatically. For instance, a PubMed search of the word Latinx yielded 755 articles, of which 71% were published in 2020 (Figure 1). Clearly, now is the time to answer the following question: Should we be using Latinx at all, and, if so, how? Here I tackle this question by reviewing the meaning of the term Latinx within the context of gender neutrality versus gender inclusivity. In addition, I examine the ways in which Latinx has been used in articles published in AJPH. I conclude by providing five recommendations about when and how to use Latinx so that it can live up to its inclusive promise.
A metre for madness : note on Enn., scen. 21 Joc. (Alcmeo)
In this paper, I argue against the current trochaic interpretation of Enn., scen. 21 Joc. as a trochaic septenarius (tr⁷) and propose a lyric scansion of the fragment as a reizianoid combination of an anapaestic quaternarius and a colon reizianum (an⁴ + cr).
Risk of Police-Involved Death by Race/Ethnicity and Place, United States, 2012–2018
Objectives. To estimate the risk of mortality from police homicide by race/ethnicity and place in the United States. Methods. We used novel data on police-involved fatalities and Bayesian models to estimate mortality risk for Black, Latino, and White men for all US counties by Census division and metropolitan area type. Results. Police kill, on average, 2.8 men per day. Police were responsible for about 8% of all homicides with adult male victims between 2012 and 2018. Black men’s mortality risk is between 1.9 and 2.4 deaths per 100 000 per year, Latino risk is between 0.8 and 1.2, and White risk is between 0.6 and 0.7. Conclusions. Police homicide risk is higher than suggested by official data. Black and Latino men are at higher risk for death than are White men, and these disparities vary markedly across place. Public Health Implications. Homicide reduction efforts should consider interventions to reduce the use of lethal force by police. Efforts to address unequal police violence should target places with high mortality risk.
Contraction as a Response to Group Threat
How do members of dominant groups, like White people in the United States, react when their privileged social status is threatened, for example, by the prospect of numeric decline? Prior studies identify two sets of reactions: (1) White people identify more strongly with ingroup members, and (2) they withhold material and symbolic resources from outgroup members. This study explores another possibility: White people may alter the boundary around Whiteness by redefining the criteria for membership. I use an original survey experiment to examine how demographic threat affects how White people in the United States classify people who are ambiguously White, and specifically people who are ambiguously White or Latino. The results reveal that White people are less—not more—likely to classify people who are ambiguously White or Latino as “White” under threat. The results contribute to a growing literature on the racial classification of multiracial and racially ambiguous people that has previously ignored ambiguity around the Latino category. They also speak to an active debate about demographic projections and the classification decisions on which they rest.