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"Lebanon Ethnic relations."
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The origins of the Lebanese national idea, 1840-1920
2013
In this fascinating study, Carol Hakim presents a new and original narrative on the origins of the Lebanese national idea. Hakim's study reconsiders conventional accounts that locate the origins of Lebanese nationalism in a distant legendary past and then trace its evolution in a linear and gradual manner. She argues that while some of the ideas and historical myths at the core of Lebanese nationalism appeared by the mid-nineteenth century, a coherent popular nationalist ideology and movement emerged only with the establishment of the Lebanese state in 1920. Hakim reconstructs the complex process that led to the appearance of fluid national ideals among members of the clerical and secular Lebanese elite, and follows the fluctuations and variations of these ideals up until the establishment of a Lebanese state. The book is an essential read for anyone interested in the evolution of nationalism in the Middle East and beyond.
Memorials and martyrs in modern Lebanon
2010
Lebanese history is often associated with sectarianism and hostility
between religious communities, but by examining public memorials and historical
accounts Lucia Volk finds evidence for a sustained politics of Muslim and Christian
co-existence. Lebanese Muslim and Christian civilians were jointly commemorated as
martyrs for the nation after various episodes of violence in Lebanese history. Sites
of memory sponsored by Maronite, Sunni, Shiite, and Druze elites have shared the
goal of creating cross-community solidarity by honoring the joint sacrifice of
civilians of different religious communities. This compelling and lucid study
enhances our understanding of culture and politics in the Middle East and the
politics of memory in situations of ongoing conflict.
Sextarianism : sovereignty, secularism, and the state in Lebanon
2022
The Lebanese state is structured through religious freedom and secular power sharing across sectarian groups. Every sect has specific laws that govern kinship matters like marriage or inheritance. Together with criminal and civil laws, these laws regulate and produce political difference. But whether women or men, Muslims or Christians, queer or straight, all people in Lebanon have one thing in common—they are biopolitical subjects forged through bureaucratic, ideological, and legal techniques of the state.
With this book, Maya Mikdashi offers a new way to understand state power, theorizing how sex, sexuality, and sect shape and are shaped by law, secularism, and sovereignty. Drawing on court archives, public records, and ethnography of the Court of Cassation, the highest civil court in Lebanon, Mikdashi shows how political difference is entangled with religious, secular, and sexual difference. She presents state power as inevitably contingent, like the practices of everyday life it engenders, focusing on the regulation of religious conversion, the curation of legal archives, state and parastatal violence, and secular activism. Sextarianism locates state power in the experiences, transitions, uprisings, and violence that people in the Middle East continue to live.
Power sharing in Lebanon ; consociationalism since 1820
This book studies the origins and evolution of power sharing in Lebanon. The author has established a relationship between mobilization, ethnurgy (ethnic identification), memory and trauma, and how they impact power sharing provisions. The book starts with the events in the 1820s, when communities politicized their identities, which led to the first major outbreak of civil violence between the Druze and the Maronites. Consequently, these troubled four decades in Lebanon led to the introduction of various forms of power sharing arrangements to establish peace. The political systems introduced in Lebanon are: the Kaim-Makamiya (dual subgovernorship), a quasi-federal arrangement; the Mutassarifiya, the prototype of a power sharing system; the post-independence political system of Lebanon which the book refers to as semi-consociation, due to the concentration of executive powers in the Presidential office; and finally, the full-consociation of the Taif Republic. In each of these phases, there was a peculiar interaction between the non-structural elements that had a direct impact on power sharing; sometimes this led to instability, and at other times it brought down the system, as in 1840-1860 and 1975. Power Sharing in Lebanon is the first academic work that promotes the influence of non-structural elements that hinder power sharing. This volume is now a key resource for students and academics interested in Lebanese Politics and the Middle East.
The Shiʿis of Jabal ʿAmil and the new Lebanon : community and nation state, 1918-1943
Tamara Chalabi highlights the development of a 'politics of demand' and the increased political activism of this community in a time of great change. It also explores how Arab nationalism was transformed from an ideology of opposition and empowerment of marginal communities, into a tool for the assertion of political domination.
The Politics of Sectarianism in Postwar Lebanon
by
Jinan S. Al-Habbal
,
Rabie Barakat
,
Bassel F. Salloukh
in
History
,
Lebanon
,
Lebanon-Ethnic relations
2015
The wave of popular uprisings that swept across the Arab world starting in December 2010 rattled regimes from Morocco to Oman. However, Lebanon’s sectarian system proved immune to the domestic and regional pressures unleashed by the Arab Spring. How can this be explained? How has the country’s political elite dealt with challenges to the system? And, finally, what lessons can other Arab states draw from Lebanon’s sectarian experience? Using extensive field work, The Politics of Sectarianism in Postwar Lebanon looks at the mix of institutional, clientelist, and discursive practices that sustain the sectarian nature of Lebanon. The book exposes snapshots of an ever-expanding sectarian web that occupies substantial areas of everyday Lebanese life. It also surveys struggles waged by opponents of the system – by women, teachers, public sector employees, students or coalitions across NGOs – and how their efforts are often sabotaged or contained by various systematic forces.