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"Legitimacy (political)"
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Legitimacy : the state and beyond
Traditionally, legitimacy has been associated exclusively with states. But are states actually legitimate? And in light of the legalization of international norms why should discussions of legitimacy focus only on the nation-state? The essays in this collection examine the nature of legitimacy, the legitimacy of the state, and the legitimacy of supranational institutions. The collection begins by asking: What sort of problem is legitimacy? Part I considers competing theories, in particular the work of John Rawls. Part II looks at the legitimacy of state apparatus, its institutions, officials, and the rule of law, and the future of state sovereignty. Part III expands the scope of legitimacy beyond the state to supranational institutions and international law. Written by theorists of considerable standing, the essays in this volume will be of interest to students and scholars of law, politics, and philosophy looking for ways of approaching the problem of how extra-territorial affairs affect a state's written and unwritten agreements with its citizens in a world where laws and norms with legal effect are increasingly made beyond the state.
Book
Democratic legitimacy
It's a commonplace that citizens in Western democracies are disaffected with their political leaders and traditional democratic institutions. But in Democratic Legitimacy, Pierre Rosanvallon, one of today's leading political thinkers, argues that this crisis of confidence is partly a crisis of understanding. He makes the case that the sources of democratic legitimacy have shifted and multiplied over the past thirty years and that we need to comprehend and make better use of these new sources of legitimacy in order to strengthen our political self-belief and commitment to democracy.
eBook
Legitimacy : the right to rule in a wanton world
What makes a government legitimate? The dominant view is that our public officials have the right to rule us, even if they are unfit or unfair, as long as they gain power through procedures based on our consent. In Legitimacy, Arthur Applbaum argues that adherence to procedure is not enough, that legitimacy must also depend on the substance of laws, policies, and practices. Applbaum holds that a government cannot be legitimate unless it upholds three principles. These are: 1. liberty, necessary to protect against barbarism, 2. equality, to protect against despotism and to help the vulnerable, and 3. agency, according to which authorities treat citizens as competent, independent agents and, within limits, respect the mandate that citizens have given them. Today, Applbaum writes, the greatest risk to our democracies is the violation of the third principle, as wanton leaders threaten to act in an unconstrained, incoherent, and inconsistent manner that undermines respect for others as moral agents. Working out the extended implications of his principles, Applbaum shows that legitimacy also requires respect for counter-majoritarian institutions and practices such as judicial review, independent administrative agencies, and civil disobedience.-- Provided by publisher.
Book
Political Legitimacy for Our World
A common denominator of recent proposals suggested by political realists has been a rather pessimistic view of what we may rightfully demand of political authorities in terms of legitimacy. In our analysis, three main justificatory strategies are utilized by realists, each supposedly generating normative premises for this “low bar conclusion.” These strategies make use of the concept of politics, the constitutive features of politics, and feasibility constraints, respectively. In this article, we make three claims: first, that the two justificatory strategies of utilizing the concept of politics and the constitutive features of politics fail, since they rely on implausible normative premises; second, that while the feasibility strategy relies on reasonable premises, the low bar conclusion does not follow from them; third, that relativist premises fit better with the low bar conclusion, but that this also makes the realist position less attractive and casts doubt on several of its basic assumptions.
Journal Article
How Do International Joint Ventures Build Legitimacy Effectively in Emerging Economies? CSR, Political Ties, or Both?
Legitimacy has been identified as an important factor influencing the survival of international joint ventures (IJVs). Yet empirical studies exploring LTV strategies for gaining post-formation legitimacy are scarce. This study examines how IJVs accumulate legitimacy after their formation in China. We identify two non-market strategies, namely corporate social responsibility (CSR) and political ties, and compare their effects on gaining two types of legitimacy: political legitimacy and market legitimacy. Data obtained from senior and middle IJV managers in China lends empirical support for the direct effects of CSR and political ties on IJV legitimacybuilding. Surprisingly, we find that CSR has a stronger effect on gaining both political and market legitimacy than political ties. Furthermore, both political and market legitimacy contribute to IJVs' performance.
Journal Article
Legitimacy in Realist Thought: Between Moralism and \Realpolitik\
What, if anything, can realism say about the normative conditions of political legitimacy? Must a realist political theory accept that the ability to successfully employ coercive power is equivalent to the right to rule, or can it incorporate normative criteria for legitimacy but without collapsing into a form of moralism? While several critics argue that realism fails to adequately differentiate itself from moralism or that it cannot coherently appeal to normative values so as to distinguish might from right, this article seeks to help develop a realist account of legitimacy by demonstrating how it can successfully and stably occupy this position between moralism and Realpolitik. Through this discussion, however, the article also argues that political rule necessitates the use of coercive power which is (at best) imperfectly legitimated, and that this blurs the distinction between politics and successful domination which lies at the heart of many recent accounts of political realism. In at least this sense, realism retains important and under-acknowledged affinities to Realpolitik.
Journal Article
Philosophical anarchism and political obligation
\"Political obligation refers to the moral obligation of citizens to obey the law of their state and to the existence, nature, and justification of a special relationship between a government and its constituents. This volume in the Contemporary Anarchist Studies series challenges this relationship, seeking to define and defend the position of critical philosophical anarchism against alternative approaches to the issue of justification of political institutions. The book sets out to demonstrate the value of taking an anarchist approach to the problem of political authority, looking at theories of natural duty, state justification, natural duty of justice, fairness, political institutions, and more. It argues that the anarchist perspective is in fact indispensable to theorists of political obligation and can improve our views of political authority and social relations. This accessible book builds on the works of philosophical anarchists such as John Simmons and Leslie Green, and discusses key theorists, including Rousseau, Rawls, and Horton. This key resource will make an important contribution to anarchist political theory and to anarchist studies more generally\"-- Provided by publisher.
Book
The internationalization of state-owned enterprises in liberalized markets: the role of home-country pro-market reforms
We study how home-country factors can alter the impact of host-country conditions on the location decisions of state-owned enterprises (SOEs). Specifically, we examine the role of home-country pro-market reforms in facilitating SOEs’ entry into host countries with a free-market logic. We consider two types of home-country pro-market reforms: market liberalization and privatization. We propose that home market liberalization mainly mitigates SOEs’ market legitimacy deficit and facilitates their entry into host countries with a prominent free-market logic. In such contexts, businesses perceive SOEs from more liberalized home markets as more accustomed to market competition and thus are less likely to exert pressure on the host government against them. We also argue that furthering SOEs’ privatization mitigates SOEs’ political legitimacy deficit in host countries with a free-market logic, thus facilitating entry. In these contexts, host governments perceive more privatized SOEs as more independent from their home state due to reduced political connections. We find support for our arguments in a dataset of 97 telecom SOEs from 97 countries over the period 1990–2010. Our study advances research on SOEs’ internationalization and research on pro-market reforms and has relevant implications for managers and policymakers.
Journal Article