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The Covid-19 pandemic threw into stark relief the multi-dimensional threats created by neoliberal capitalism. Government measures to alleviate the crisis were largely inadequate, leaving women – in particular working-class women – to carry the increased burden of care work while at the same time placing themselves in direct risk as frontline workers. Emancipatory Feminism in the Time of Covid-19, the seventh volume in the Democratic Marxism series, explores how many subaltern women – working class, peasant and indigenous – challenge hegemonic neoliberal feminism through their resistance to ordinary capitalist practices and ecological extractivism. Contributors cover women’s responses in a wide range of contexts: from women leading the defence of Rojava – the Kurdish region of Syria, to approaches to anti-capitalist ecology and building food secure pathways in communities across Africa, to championing climate justice in mining affected communities and transforming gender divisions in mining labour practices in South Africa, to contesting macro-economic policies affecting the working conditions of nurses. Their practices demonstrate a feminist understanding of the current systemic crises of capitalism and patriarchal oppression. What is offered in this collection is a subaltern women’s grassroots resistance focused on advancing and enabling solidarity-based political projects, deepening democracy, building capacities and alliances to advance new feminist alternatives.

Drawing on the IR theories of norm translation and strategic narratives, this article focuses on how states translate international norms to their own advantage by producing strategic narratives to advance their soft power ambitions abroad. Using the example of feminist foreign policy (FFP), the article compares Sweden, Canada, France, and Mexico in their attempts to translate international feminist norms into their countries’ strategic narratives. This comparison is based on three strategic narrative types (issue, national, and international system narratives) and two types of feminism (liberal, intersectional). Issue narratives reveal that Sweden and Mexico give more priority to social policies, while France and Canada emphasise the role of the market in addressing gender inequality. International system narratives demonstrate that Sweden and Mexico perceive global challenges as drivers of gender inequality, while France and Canada see gender inequality as a cause of global problems. National narratives show that Sweden and Mexico refer to other FFP countries to ‘back up’ their feminist initiatives, while France and Canada do not relate to other states. Finally, while liberal feminism dominates all four FFPs, each state either prioritises particular aspects of it (legal, market, security, rights-based) or incorporates elements from intersectional feminism.

The United Nations' 2001 Millennium Development Goals and 2015 Sustainable Development Goals are of major importance for worldwide development. This article explores the construction of poverty and development within and across these documents, specifically focusing on the influence of dominant economic discourses - Keynesianism and neoliberalism - in the development paradigm. It assesses the failures of the Millennium Development Goals, as articulated by oppositional liberal feminists and World Social Forum critics, who embody competing values, representations and problem-solution frames that challenge and resist the dominant economic discourses. Finally, it evaluates responsiveness of the UN in the constitution of the Sustainable Development Goals.

This paper sought to examine the shift of gender roles occasioned by the dispensation of democracy in African societies through Gordimer’s None to Accompany Me. The aforementioned novel attempts to redefine women’s identities and circumvent cultural underpinnings that often subject the women to oppressive, discriminatory and stereotypical structures such as patriarchy. The advent of democracy has automated political emancipation for everyone that was previously repressed by specifically, colonial perpetrators. Democratisation as portrayed in Gordimer’s None to Accompany Me has empowered women to elude the horrors of the past; gender stereotypes and activate their rights in the democratic space. In the novel, gender roles shifted as the women thrived in what was considered male-dominated worlds and held positions of power such as community leaders and managers whereas their husbands whose career successes were beneath the wives’ were coerced to perform domestic duties in the households. This qualitative paper predicated on liberal feminist assumptions to crystalise the exchange of gender roles inspired by democracy as reflected in Gordimer’s None to Accompany Me. The study has found that democracy has galvanised women to search, find and reassert a new identity that repudiates oppressive systems upon them. Hence, men in the sampled novel for this study subscribe to domestic duties whilst the women are providers and authoritative figures in their households and community. The paper concludes that democratisation has occasioned the shift of gender roles by empowering the previously marginalised women and advocating for equal rights between men and women.

In four studies (N = 1176), we examined whether negativity towards feminists varies based on the specific ideology endorsed: liberal feminism (i.e., the belief that gender equality can be achieved through adequate changes within societies) or radical feminism (i.e., the belief that gender equality can only be achieved by reconstructing the whole social system). In Study 1, college students rated radical female feminists as less warm than liberal female feminists and a control target group (animal rights activists). Study 2 replicated the difference between ratings of radical and liberal feminists with Amazon Mechanical Turk (MTurk) workers and further demonstrated that male feminist targets were not subject to the negativity associated with radical feminism. Study 3 with MTurk workers found an indirect effect of radical feminism on lower perceived hireability and suitability for a job, due to lower perceived warmth. Lastly, Studies 1 and 4 with Prolific workers showed that negative evaluations of radical feminists persisted even after controlling for perceived extremity. Together, the findings in this paper demonstrate that radical feminists faced more negative evaluations than other types of feminists, suggesting the importance of considering feminist beliefs when studying the stereotypes associated with feminists in psychological research.

This essay lays the elaborate textile of feminist discourse alongside the equally rich fabric of contemporary female Buddhist monasticisms, taking note of places the latter has pulled threads from the former, but also pointing out the ways in which female monastics lead agentive, creative, and sometimes rebellious female lives that in subtle and not so subtle ways resist the label “feminist,” or contribute a new motif or fiber to the feminist weave. Case study reports on two innovative Buddhist female communities in Malaysia and Nepal, chosen because they offer examples of innovations within the context of Buddhist female monasticism that are interestingly complex as examples of Buddhist feminist consciousness, will serve to make visible a few particular female Buddhist monastic perspectives. Respectfully called in as interlocutors and cotheorizers, the monastic persons described here offer religious perspectives on norm-following, agency, and coalition-building that expand the feminist frame.

In Maggie Tokuda-Hall and Lisa Sterle’s graphic novel Squad, protagonist Becca and her new friends at Piedmont High are not human adolescents but a pack of werewolves who must kill to stay alive and select teenage boys—“the WORST ones” (70)—as their meal of choice. The power of the pack’s “monstrous” bodies is a dangerous privilege and responsibility that Squad suggests is often misused to victimize innocents. The book critiques individualistic Western/liberal feminism—an ideology also critiqued by contemporary feminist writers—that encourages women and girls to gain power for themselves and then use it to perpetuate hierarchies of domination. Through an analysis of the figure of the werewolf and fantasies of revenge, this article suggests that both Squad’s narrative and its comic images guide readers toward an understanding of how liberal feminist ideology impedes collective empowerment. This article ultimately argues that Squad can be wielded as a potential feminist consciousness-raising tool for teaching about the ethics of different feminist ideologies.

Liberal feminist discourse and digital technologies are reshaping Muslim women’s access to religious authority by allowing them to navigate conventional institutional obstacles. This study utilised a systematic literature review process to evaluate 178 scholarly sources, comprising peer-reviewed articles, academic monographs, and digital religious archives from JSTOR, the ATLA Religion Database, ProQuest Reli-gion, and Google Scholar. Sources were chosen based on their deep engagement with gender dynamics in Islam, their empirical or theoretical analysis of women’s religious authority, and their investigation of digital religious practices, with a prefer-ence for scholarship from the last 15 years alongside foundational historical works. Research indicates that Muslim women religious leaders employ digital platforms, such as blogs, social media, and online communities, to assert interpretive authority via ijtihad, cultivate transnational feminist theological networks, and create alterna-tive venues for religious discourse beyond male-dominated institutional frame-works. Liberal feminist tenets of individual rights and equality offer conceptual frameworks for contesting limiting theological interpretations, while digital media democratises religious authority by disrupting old clerical monopolies on Islamic knowledge. Despite persistent challenges like digital divisions, online harassment, and institutional pushback, Muslim women are formulating novel paradigms of religious leadership that amalgamate authentic Islamic involvement with contemporary technological advancements. Contributions encompass a refined understanding of how technological empowerment mitigates specific theological and institutional ob-stacles faced by Muslim women leaders, illustrating that digital platforms serve as venues for networked resistance, where women assert authority through lived expe-rience and contextual interpretation, rather than through formal institutional creden-tials.

In the last three decades, hundreds of books and essays have been published on women, gender, and Jewish Studies. This burgeoning scholarship has not been adequately theorized, contextualized, or historicized. This book argues that Jewish feminist studies is currently constrained by multiple frames of reference that require re-examination, a self-critical awareness, and a serious reflective inquiry into the models, paradigms, and assumptions that inform, shape, and define this area of academic interest. This book is the first critical analysis of Jewish feminist scholarship, tracing it from its tentative beginnings in the late 1970s to contemporary academic articulations of its disciplinary projects. It focuses on the assumptions, evasions, omissions, inconsistencies, and gaps in this scholarship, and notably the absence of debate, contestation, and interrogation of authoritative articulations of its presumed goals, investments, and priorities. The book teases out implicit thinking about mapping, direction, and orientation from introductions to leading anthologies and engages critically with the few explicitly theoretical works on Jewish feminist studies, contesting ideas that have become hegemonic in some areas, and interrogating the limitations these theories impose on future trajectories in Jewish feminist studies. Each chapter outlines the theoretical assumptions that inform salient publications in the field, providing a close reading of scholarly texts that justify certain practices. The book is divided into four chapters, each of which focuses on a different frame of reference. It outlines the way in which the various frames that have so far been imposed on Jewish feminism, the ethnocentric, liberal, personal, masculinist, and essentialist, have arrested its theoretical elaboration and articulation. The book includes both interdisciplinary anthologies on gender and Jewish identity and disciplinary publications in history, literature, philosophy, cultural studies, and Holocaust studies.

In this article I explore Mona Kareem's visionary feminism in her trilingual poetry collection Ināth al-Ashbāḥ ( Femme Ghosts ) (2019). I intervene in the classist colonial logic embraced by contemporary liberal feminism in Kuwait by offering a critical alternative in Kareem's poetics of the body. The article examines Kareem's engagement with the gendered, classed, and racialized body as a site of knowledge production that proves illegible to the oil-producing state. It argues that Kareem expresses a \"spectral archive\" from the embodied knowledge of marginalization in her poems \"Eulogies for Futures to Come/Marthiyāt al-'uyūn\" (\"Who Hide Their Eyes\"). The spectral archive is a haunting literary site of knowledge which exposes the violence of systemic oppression and exceeds nativist narratives of subjectivity constructed by official national history. It emerges in her deployment of the speculative, emphasis on the tension between the corporeal and the spectral, experimentation with poetic form and translation practices, and positing queerness as a liminal process of detaching normative gender from sex assigned at birth. The spectral archive underscores the failure of sovereign standards of subjectivity to grasp the role of feminist poetics in creating transformative imaginaries, it represents a new ethical approach to feminist discourse on social justice in Kuwait.