Catalogue Search | MBRL
Are you sure you want to remove the book from the shelf?
{{itemTitle}}
586
result(s) for
"Liberalism Congresses."
Sort by:
Neo-liberal globalism and social sustainable globalisation
This book pays attention to poverty, to the increasing subordination of political, social, cultural and ecological domains within society to the economic domain, and to tasks and powers that should be allotted to governments, non-governmental organisations and international corporations.
eBook
Neoliberalism and everyday life
Illuminating the ways in which neoliberal policies - such as the deregulation of economies and the transfer of governmental responsibilities to the private sector - have been implemented on a global scale, the contributors show how neoliberalism has seeped into our social and political fabric and affected our daily lives. Drawing attention to the most visible elements of neoliberalism in business, government, and personal life, reveal the ways in which policies designed to ensure market expansion also inevitably expand social inequalities of gender, race, class, and ability. Using a variety of methods, contributors discuss a range of topics, including globalization, privatization, health care, and the welfare state. An intelligent and informative collection that explains and challenges neoliberal policies, Neoliberalism and Everyday Life is an important assessment of a political system that makes profit easier and people's lives more difficult.
eBook
Measuring Constituent Policy Preferences in Congress, State Legislatures, and Cities
Little is known about the American public’s policy preferences at the level of Congressional districts, state legislative districts, and local municipalities. In this article, we overcome the limited sample sizes that have hindered previous research by jointly scaling the policy preferences of 275,000 Americans based on their responses to policy questions. We combine this large dataset of Americans’ policy preferences with recent advances in opinion estimation to estimate the preferences of every state, congressional district, state legislative district, and large city. We show that our estimates outperform previous measures of citizens’ policy preferences. These new estimates enable scholars to examine representation at a variety of geographic levels. We demonstrate the utility of these estimates through applications of our measures to examine representation in state legislatures and city governments.
Journal Article
Which Women Can Run? Gender, Partisanship, and Candidate Donor Networks
Recent scholarship rejects campaign finance as a cause of women's underrepresentation in Congress because women raise as much money as men running in similar races. We argue that campaign finance still impacts which women can make a run for office because candidates have to build their own donor networks. Using a unique dataset that includes primary and general election candidates for the U.S. House in 2010 and 2012, we examine the gender composition of candidates' donor networks. We find that candidates' ideological views are very important to contributors. Donors, particularly Democrats, also exhibit a gender affinity effect in which men give more to male candidates and women favor female candidates. Furthermore, female Democratic donors seem to value the election of women, especially liberal Democratic women, over other traditional predictors of giving, such as incumbency and competitiveness. Meanwhile, Republican male and female donors do not focus on candidate gender, and female Republican donors prefer conservative candidates. Thus, the existing partisan donor pools are friendlier to the emergence of liberal female Democrats than Republican women.
Journal Article
Activists and Conflict Extension in American Party Politics
Party activists have played a leading role in “conflict extension”—the polarization of the parties along multiple issue dimensions—in contemporary American politics. We argue that open nomination systems and the ambitious politicians competing within those systems encourage activists with extreme views on a variety of issue dimensions to become involved in party politics, thus motivating candidates to take noncentrist positions on a range of issues. Once that happens, continuing activists with strong partisan commitments bring their views into line with the new candidate agendas, thus extending the domain of interparty conflict. Using cross-sectional and panel surveys of national convention delegates, we find clear evidence for conflict extension among party activists, evidence tentatively suggesting a leading role for activists in partisan conflict extension more generally, and strong support for our argument about change among continuing activists. Issue conversion among activists has contributed substantially to conflict extension and party commitment has played a key role in motivating that conversion.
Journal Article
Gender and Foreign Policy: Are Female Members of Congress More Dovish than Their Male Colleagues?
Research shows that female legislators tend to support liberal, pacifistic approaches to foreign policy. But it remains unclear whether they are dovish because they seek to represent the dovish values of women generally or because they tend to represent mostly liberal voters. To answer this question, we examine all foreign policy votes cast in Congress over the last five decades to estimate the ideological locations of House and Senate members on a hawk-dove dimension. Once we control for partisan and constituency effects, we find only limited evidence that female legislators are more dovish than their male counterparts are.
Journal Article
From a Liberation Movement to a Governing Party: An Interrogation of the African National Congress (ANC)
The paper historically analyses the African National Congress (ANC), its struggle against colonialism and apartheid, and the negotiations that led to the democratic breakthrough in South Africa. This is done to understand post-apartheid South Africa. The transition from apartheid to democracy was filled with promises and expectations of equality and a better life for the victims of colonialism and Apartheid. However, since coming to power in 1994 the ANC government has governed over a society divided along racial lines. Unemployment and poverty are more prevalent in African- and African-female-headed households. Despite attaining freedom in 1994 and supposedly equal right for all racial groups, race remains a key driver of high inequality because of income disparities and unequal education. To understand this phenomenon and the status quo, the qualitative research method and an explanatory-analytical approach were adopted, which entailed studying secondary sources such as research reports, academic literature, biographies, legislations, and audio-visual material for data collection. The article uses the Fanonian lens to illustrate that the ANC leadership wanted to be part of the system from inception, hence its collaborative politics during the struggle and the compromise at the negotiations that perpetuated neoliberalism in the post-apartheid epoch. This explains its failure to transform the economy and address the land question since coming to power.
Journal Article
Income Inequality and Ideological Positions in the U.S. Congress
Over the past twenty years, there has been much discussion about two of the most important recent trends in American politics: the increase in income inequality in the United States and the increase in ideological and partisan polarization, particularly in the U.S. House. These two national-level trends are commonly thought to be positively related. But, there are few tested theoretical connections between them, and it is potentially problematic to infer individual-level behavior from these aggregate-level trends. In fact, an examination of the literature reveals, at least, three different theoretical outcomes for district-level income inequality on voter and congressional ideological positions. I explore these district-level theoretical and empirical possibilities as well as test them over decades with three different measures of income inequality. I argue and demonstrate that higher district levels of income inequality are related to higher levels of ideological liberalism in the U.S. House. This stands in contrast to the national-level trends, but it tracks closely to traditional understandings of congressional behavior.
Journal Article
Liberal and Conservative Values: What We Can Learn From Congressional Tweets
Past research using self-report questionnaires administered to ordinary citizens demonstrates that value priorities differ as a function of one's political ideology, but it is unclear whether this conclusion applies to political elites, who are presumably seeking to appeal to very broad constituencies. We used quantitative methods of textual analysis to investigate value-laden language in a collection of 577,555 messages sent from the public Twitter accounts of over 400 members of the US. Congress between 2012 and 2014. Consistent with theoretical expectations, we observed that Republican and conservative legislators stressed values of tradition, conformity, and national security (as well as self-direction), whereas Democratic and liberal legislators stressed values of benevolence, universalism, hedonism, and social/economic security (as well as achievement). Implications for the large-scale observational study of political psychology are explored.
Journal Article