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Do the neural circuits for reading vary across culture? Reading of visually complex writing systems such as Chinese has been proposed to rely on areas outside the classical left-hemisphere network for alphabetic reading. Here, however, we show that, once potential confounds in cross-cultural comparisons are controlled for by presenting handwritten stimuli to both Chinese and French readers, the underlying network for visual word recognition may be more universal than previously suspected. Using functional magnetic resonance imaging in a semantic task with words written in cursive font, we demonstrate that two universal circuits, a shape recognition system (reading by eye) and a gesture recognition system (reading by hand), are similarly activated and show identical patterns of activation and repetition priming in the two language groups. These activations cover most of the brain regions previously associated with culture-specific tuning. Our results point to an extended reading network that invariably comprises the occipitotemporal visual word-form system, which is sensitive to well-formed static letter strings, and a distinct left premotor region, Exner’s area, which is sensitive to the forward or backward direction with which cursive letters are dynamically presented. These findings suggest that cultural effects in reading merely modulate a fixed set of invariant macroscopic brain circuits, depending on surface features of orthographies.

This article utilizes the Maya Hieroglyphic Database (Looper and Macri 1991–2022) to study the spellings of three glyphic values based on T713 (Thompson 1962), namely, the logogram K′AB′ ‘hand, arm’ (n = 88), the logogram K′AL ‘to close, wrap, adorn’ (n = 484), and the syllabogram mi (n = 68), cataloged as MZ1, MR1, and MR2, respectively, by Looper et al. (2022). The main goal is to study the functions of certain graphemes typically placed atop T713 (T713's “holding site”) when it has the value K′AL, and to determine to what extent such signs can be described as lexical determinatives. The article concludes that MZ1 K′AB′ constitutes the unmarked value of T713, while MZ1 K′AL requires contextual or graphemic disambiguation, the latter facilitated by means of phonetic complements (e.g., k′a or la) or lexical determinatives (e.g., T617/1M3). Syntagmatic contextual associations resulting from frequent proximity to other signs was a common factor in the establishment of certain signs as lexical determinatives. The question of MR2 mi, which can be analyzed as either a digraph or a case of a “phonetic determinative” (distinct from “phonetic complement”) in the holding site of T713, is left open to future research.

We tested whether naturally occurring visual variability—specifically, typefaces—would help people generalize word learning to typefaces they had never seen before. In Chinese, thousands of unique written characters must be learned item by item, and differentiated from similar-looking characters. Participants ( n  = 190) with no previous Chinese experience learned 24 Chinese characters in one of two training groups: the Single-Typeface group trained using only one of three Chinese typefaces; the Variable-Typeface group trained using all three. Everyone completed two training and testing phases. During Definition Training, they saw each character six times and learned to associate it with an English definition (水–water). After training, participants were tested on their accuracy in providing definitions for the characters. During Form Training, participants chose the characters they had previously learned from a display that included a trained character and a visually similar distractor (水 vs 永). After training, they were tested on their speed/accuracy in choosing the learned characters. At testing in both phases, half of the words were presented in a familiar typeface; half in a novel typeface. Results showed significant interactions between training and testing conditions in both phases, with a significant effect of training in the Form Testing phase: Single-Typeface training resulted in faster responses for familiar typefaces, but much slower responses for novel typefaces; in comparison, Variable-Typeface training resulted in better generalization to novel typefaces. These results suggest that typeface variability can influence how effectively people generalize knowledge during the initial stages of learning a logographic script.

There has been debate on whether phonological deficits explain reading difficulty in Chinese, since Chinese is a logographic language which does not employ grapheme-phoneme-correspondence rules and remote memorization seems to be the main method to acquire reading. In the current study, we present neuroimaging evidence that the phonological deficit is also a signature of Chinese dyslexia. Specifically, we found that Chinese children with dyslexia (DD) showed reduced brain activation in the left dorsal inferior frontal gyrus (dIFG) when compared to both age-matched controls (AC) and reading-matched controls (RC) during an auditory rhyming judgment task. This suggests that the phonological processing deficit in this region may be a signature of dyslexia in Chinese, rather than a difference due to task performance or reading ability, which was matched on DD and RC. At exactly the same region of the left dIFG, we found a positive correlation between brain activation and reading skill in DD, suggesting that the phonological deficit is associated with the severity of dyslexia. We also found increased brain activation in the right precentral gyrus in DD than both AC and RC, suggesting a compensation of reliance on articulation. Functional connectivity analyses revealed that DD had a weaker connection between the left superior temporal gyrus (STG) and fusiform gyrus (FG) than the two control groups, suggesting that the reduced connection between phonology and orthography is another neural signature of dyslexia. In contrast, DD showed greater connectivity between the left dIFG and the left inferior parietal lobule (IPL) than both control groups, suggesting a reduced segregation between the language network and default mode network in dyslexic children. We also found that connectivity between the left STG and the left dIFG was sensitive to task performance and/or reading skill rather than being dyslexic or not, because AC was greater than both RC and DD, while the connectivity between the left middle occipital gyrus (MOG) and left STG was sensitive to age, because both AC and DD were greater than RC. In summary, our study provides the very first neurological evidence of phonological deficits in Chinese developmental dyslexia and we successfully distinguished variations of brain activity/functional connectivity due to age, performance, and dyslexia by comparing AC, RC, and DD. •Phonological deficit is characterized by less activation in the left dIFG.•Dyslexia is associated with weaker functional connectivity from the left STG to FG.•Task performance effect was identified by comparing AC to DD and RC.•Age effect was identified by comparing RC to AC and DD.

Chinese is a visually complex logographic script that consists of square-shaped characters, with each character composed of strokes. Previous masked priming studies using single-character Chinese stroke neighbors (i.e., visually similar characters differing in only one or two strokes, e.g., 大/犬) have shown facilitatory or inhibitory priming effects. We tested whether the mixed pattern of stroke neighbor priming might be an instance of asymmetry in priming that has been observed previously with Japanese kana and Latin alphabets. Specifically, a prime lacking a stroke (or line segment) that is present in the target speeds up the recognition of its stroke neighbor almost as much as the identity prime (e.g., 刀-刃 = 刃-刃), but not the converse (e.g., 刃-刀 >> 刀-刀). Two experiments, one using a character match task and the second using lexical decision, showed a robust asymmetry in priming by stroke neighbors. The results suggest that the early letter identification process is similar across script types, as anticipated by the Noisy Channel model, which regards the first stage of visual word recognition as a language-universal perceptual process.

The influence of orthographic neighbors on visual word recognition is well established in alphabetic scripts. To determine the universality of this effect across writing systems, researchers have been keen on exploring its presence and nature in Chinese word recognition. Given that Chinese is logographic, it necessitates a different definition for orthographic neighbors from the ones used in alphabetic scripts. One popular approach is to consider words that share characters as orthographic neighbors. Adopting this definition, a facilitative effect has been observed for characters that can create more words. However, as characters are also morphemes in Chinese, the facilitation found might actually come from a larger morphological family size. This possibility was tested in the present study by analyzing data from the Chinese Lexicon Project (CLP; Tse et al., Behavior Research Methods, 49, 1503–1519, 2017 , Behavior Research Methods, 49, 1503–1519, 2022 ), a megastudy of two-character word recognition in traditional Chinese. If the effects of character-sharing are indeed morphological in nature, the facilitation should be smaller for ambiguous characters because the words formed are distributed over several morphological families. The results of the analyses were consistent with this hypothesis, revealing interactions between the number of words formed by a character and the number of meanings of the character. The implications of these findings were discussed in the context of definitions of orthographic neighbors and theories of word recognition in Chinese.

Despite the increasing interest in learning non-alphabetical languages such as Chinese, research about its learning process for alphabet users is scarce. Research conducted on Latin alphabet users on learning languages written in Latin alphabet, or on Chinese language learning in Chinese native speakers, users is undoubtedly useful but it does not inform about the peculiarities of leaning Chinese language by other alphabet users. Additionally, several authors have highlighted the need to inform and extend the current second language acquisition theories on the particular challenges of learning a language that uses another script. In this research we aim to contribute filling this research gap and studied the learning process of Chinese vocabulary by users of scripts different from Chinese. In particular, we examined the role of pictures and translations as learning aids for Chinese language vocabulary learning in participants familiarized with either one or two alphabetical scripts (different from the Chinese logographic script). One hundred thirteen participants studied word-aid pairs in different conditions: Hanzi (Chinese in Chinese characters)-picture; Pinyin (Chinese in Latin alphabet)-picture; Hanzi-translation; Pinyin-translation. Participants evaluated the future recallability of the words and their meanings (i.e., judgements of learning) and completed two recognition tests. Words in Pinyin and words-translation pairs were judged to be easier to remember than Hanzi and word-pictures pairs. Participants remembered the meaning of words written in Hanzi better than in Pinyin, and word-translations pairs better than pictures, but they were more confident about word-picture pairs. These results suggest that pictures boost confidence in learning Chinese, but do not affect performance. These findings suggest that while pictures may boost confidence in learning Chinese, they may not necessarily lead to better performance. Our study provides valuable insights into the interaction of learning aids and writing system in (meta)memory during vocabulary acquisition.

Background The diverse typology of languages often precipitates distinct language‐specific symptomatologies. While dyslexia and dysgrahia are included in the diagnostic criteria of Primary Progressive Aphasia (PPA), the descriptions predominantly pertain to alphabetic scripts, with a lack of insight into their manifestations in logographic systems. This study examines the dyslexia phenotypes of Chinese‐speaking PPA patients. Method The Chinese Language Assessment for PPA (CLAP) study recruited Mandarin and Cantonese‐speaking participants [cognitively normal (CN, n = 68) and individuals with PPA (16 semantic variant (sv)PPA, 16 nonfluent/aggramatic variant (nfv)PPA ), 21 logopenic variant (lv)PPA] using a neurolinguistic tailored battery for Chinese languages. In the CLAP character reading test, participants are required to read 250 Chinese characters, encompassing a range of lexical types (pictographic, regular compound, and irregular compound characters), frequencies, and levels of concreteness. Participants are also tasked to read aloud pairs of compound words that include heteronyms (i.e., words with same spelling but pronounced differently; e.g., 'bow tie' versus 'bow down'). Additionally, voxel‐based morphometry was utilized to investigate the neural basis of reading performance. Result In the character reading test, svPPA participants demonstrated significantly lower performance than other study groups, even after adjusting for age, education, and testing language (pictographic: p <0.001; regular compound: p <0.001; irregular compound characters: p <0.001). While over‐regularization errors (i.e., surface dyslexia) were prevalent across control and PPA groups, they were not specific to svPPA (p = 0.495). In contrast, on the heteronym word reading test, both svPPA and lvPPA showed significantly lower accuracy (both p <0.001), with over‐regularization errors occurring more frequently in the svPPA group (p <0.001). Across all lexical categories, character reading scores were significantly correlated with volumetric changes in the left middle and inferior temporal regions while heteronym reading accuracy were positively correlated with left temporal pole and inferior temporal areas. Conclusion Contrary to English svPPA patients who primarily struggled with irregular word reading and frequently exhibit surface dyslexia, Chinese PPA patients showed no variant‐specific differences across lexicality, and svPPA‐specific over‐regularization phenomenon were found at the lexical (i.e., heteronym‐reading) and not sub‐lexical reading. These findings underscore that diagnostic criteria for PPA syndromes should be linguistically tailored to accommodate language topology effect.

Phonological knowledge plays a pivotal role in many aspects of language processing, but it remains controversial whether it is required for writing. In the present study, we examined the issue by focusing on written production in an opaque logographic script (kanji) with highly irregular pronunciation rules, which allowed for a rigorous test of whether or not phonology contributes to writing. Using a phonological priming paradigm in two experiments, we measured response latency while participants orally named target pictures or wrote down their names in kanji. Each target was preceded by a phonographic character (kana) which represented the same sound (mora) as the beginning of the target name or a different mora. By manipulating the degree of phonological overlap between primes and target names (i.e., morae, consonants and vowels), we found that only the moraic overlap could speed up word production in logographic writing (Experiment 1). In contrast, naming response was facilitated by mora-overlap as well as vowel-overlap. This between-task difference in phonological encoding suggests that phonological codes for spoken production do not necessarily precede orthographic access during logographic writing. In Experiment 2, we further found that the facilitatory effects of moraic information did not differ in magnitude between writing and naming when primes were masked and presented more briefly, suggesting a net component of bottom-up phonological activation which contributes to logographic writing. Collectively, we propose that orthographic codes of kanji are accessed directly from semantics, whereas phonology plays a non-specific modulatory role to enhance neurocognitive systems involved in writing.

The Chinese language has more native speakers than any other language, but research on the reading of Chinese characters is still not as well-developed as it is for the reading of words in alphabetic languages. Two areas notably lacking are the paucity of megastudies in Chinese and the relatively infrequent use of the lexical decision paradigm to investigate single-character recognition. The Chinese Lexicon Project, described in this article, is a database of lexical decision latencies for 2,500 Chinese single characters in simplified script, collected from a sample of native mainland Chinese (Mandarin) speakers ( N = 35). This resource will provide a valuable adjunct to influential mega-databases, such as the English, French, and Dutch Lexicon Projects. Using two separate analyses, some advantages associated with megastudies are exemplified. These include the selection of the strongest measure to represent Chinese character frequency (Cai & Brysbaert’s (PLoS ONE 5(6): e10729, 2010 ) subtitle contextual diversity frequency count), and the conducting of virtual studies to replicate and clarify existing findings. The unique morpho-syllabic nature of the Chinese writing system makes it a valuable case study for functional language contrasts. Moreover, this is the first publicly available large-scale repository of behavioral responses pertaining to Chinese language processing (the behavioral dataset is attached to this article, as a supplemental file available for download). For these reasons, the data should be of substantial interest to psychologists, linguists, and other researchers.