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William Stringer was at various times a cheesemonger, a Methodist lay preacher, a priest, and an American Loyalist exile. Originally from London, Stringer preached the Gospel for the early Methodist movement, but longed for priestly ordination in the Church of England. Unable to achieve this goal due to his humble background, he was instead ordained in 1764 by the controversial and ecumenically minded Greek Orthodox bishop, Gerasimos Avontilies (also known as Erasmus of Arcadia), who ordained several Methodists under Greek Orthodox rites in London. Having acquired illicit ordination, Stringer moved to Philadelphia where he ministered to a parish that had broken from the Church of England during the Great Awakening. The clergy of Philadelphia responded negatively and wrote to Archbishop Richard Terrick of London, who ordered Stringer to desist from his ministry. However, Stringer did such a remarkable job of bringing his congregation back into the Anglican fold that Terrick agreed to re-ordain him in London under Anglican rites in 1773. With the outbreak of the American Revolution in 1775, Stringer supported the British cause and rejected the revolt as inconsistent with Christian obedience. He was forced to leave America and return to England, where he lived out the rest of his life as a curate. Despite his initial transgressions, I argue that Stringer was a force for order, stability, and orthodoxy in a revolutionary world.

Abstract The focus of this article is on the Salafiyya-Madkhaliyya in Indonesia, which takes its name from Saudi scholar Rabīʿ al-Madkhalī. After an account of how they emerged and developed in Indonesia, the relationship of the Madkhalīs with the state, which is based on a \"fiqh of obedience\", is analyzed. It is argued that, while this legal underpinning necessitates that they give total loyalty to the ruler (walī l-amr, or ūlū l-amr), the Indonesian Madkhalīs are unable to entirely follow this principle. The Madkhalīs have had to come to terms with the fact that Indonesia follows a democratic system, which, in fact, prevents the comprehensive accommodation of their Salafī principles. The resulting ambiguities prove difficult to solve. It is argued here that the negotiation between Madkhalī Salafīs and the Indonesian state is characterized by the constant efforts of the former to tackle those ambiguities.

In 1749, King Yŏngjo and his courtiers began to venerate the Ming emperors Hongwu and Chongzhen at Taebodan in the courtyard of Ch’angdŏk Palace. This was in addition to Wanli, who had been honored since 1704. During the late Chosŏn period, the court regularly held rituals to worship these emperors. This study examines court discussions to assess the impact of this veneration on the image of the emperors. These show that prior to 1749, Chosŏn monarchs and ministers often viewed the emperors negatively, while at the same time lauding their virtues. The study also explores the process through which the court constructed orthodox narratives on the emperors, a process which bestowed the emperors with certain merits and virtues. These images became the only legitimate means through which to view them and were reinforced by regular state rituals. After 1749, the emperors became objects of supreme veneration rather than objective evaluation. Ming loyalism discouraged voices critical of the Ming or disrespectful to the emperors, an approach that supplanted a more critical Confucian interpretation.

This collection (in honour of an internationally-renowned scholar who had shaped both scholarly and popular understandings of the period) comprises fourteen chapters written by specialists in the period and provides an appealing and illuminating cross-section of current research.

In the civilizations of the classical West, as exemplified foremost by that of Greece, as well as in that of early imperial China, the idea that humans who excelled exceptionally in war could merit deification was an abiding operative assumption. Given this premise, unsurprising then is the fact that such individuals should be found to have exhibited certain defining traits in common, including exceptional bravery and skill in leadership as well as—at least up until the point of their own deaths—an outstanding record of battlefield success. In addition, whether in Greece or in China, we find that the elevation of the exemplary warrior to the status of a god occurred under religious auspices, or was abetted by a belief structure that at least exhibited many of the core customary functions of a conventional religion. However, if we must regard the normative Chinese paradigm of martial divinization as having consistently departed in conception from its counterpart in the West, then surely the determinative difference is the premium placed on the Chinese demonstration of loyalty. In China, inasmuch as there were credentials for deification, the individual warrior’s unfailing subscription to the virtue of loyalty seems to have superseded all else, and the pathway to immortality as a god was forever obstructed without it.

In Unfriendly to Liberty , Christopher F. Minty explores the origins of loyalism in New York City between 1768 and 1776, and revises our understanding of the coming of the American Revolution. Through detailed analyses of those who became loyalists, Minty argues that would-be loyalists came together long before Lexington and Concord to form an organized, politically motivated, and inclusive political group that was centered around the DeLancey faction. Following the DeLanceys' election to the New York Assembly in 1768, these men, elite and nonelite, championed an inclusive political economy that advanced the public good, and they strongly protested Parliament's reorientation of the British Empire. For New York loyalists, it was local politics, factions, institutions, and behaviors that governed their political activities in the build up to the American Revolution. By focusing on political culture, organization, and patterns of allegiance, Unfriendly to Liberty shows how the contending allegiances of loyalists and patriots were all but locked in place by 1775 when British troops marched out of Boston to seize caches of weapons in neighboring villages. Indeed, local political alignments that were formed in the imperial crises of the 1760s and 1770s provided a critical platform for the divide between loyalists and patriots in New York City. Political and social disputes coming out of the Seven Years' War, more than republican radicalization in the 1770s, forged the united force that would make New York City a center of loyalism throughout the American Revolution.

During the succession from Kim Jong Il to Kim Jong Un, North Korea witnessed a revival of party institutions. However, the most distinctive feature of the transition was a succession of purges that replaced powerful figures from the Kim Jong Il era with new loyalists. The system remains personalist, but with strong reliance on the military and security apparatus.

Part biography and part microhistory,Jacob Green's Revolutionfocuses on two key figures in New Jersey's revolutionary drama-Jacob Green, a radical Presbyterian minister who advocated revolution, and Thomas Bradbury Chandler, a conservative Anglican minister from Elizabeth Town who was a leading loyalist spokesman in America. Both men were towering intellects who were shaped by Puritan culture and the Enlightenment, and both became acclaimed writers and leading figures in New Jersey-Green for the rebelling colonists, Chandler for the king. Through their stories, this book examines the ways in which religion influenced reform during a pivotal time in American history.

In 1687, a man calling himself Yu Yŏlli was discovered begging from the common people of Chido garrison in Chŏlla Province by pretending to be a Chinese castaway. Although the Chosŏn court eventually established that he was lying, it took a full month to come to this conclusion, despite what seems at times to have been a very flimsily constructed identity on Yu’s part. This article argues that he succeeded because he effectively reproduced the established Ming Loyalist narrative of the Chosŏn court, and also because of his initial location in the unstable and uncertain world of the southwestern islands. His lies, for this reason, are very useful for understanding the ideological presuppositions of late Chosŏn society.

À partir du cas du judo féminin de haut niveau, l’étude du fonctionnement concret de l’institution sportive donne à voir les effets de mécanismes de production du loyalisme. Elle montre comment, au terme d’un parcours d’intégration mêlant enchantement, confinement et désenchantement, l’institution est incorporée par les athlètes de haut niveau. Or, le développement contemporain d’un système d’indexation de la performance tendant à ne valoriser que les leaders de la hiérarchie sportive affecte l’évolution des dispositions individuelles au loyalisme. Ses effets modifient le climat général des relations entre athlètes au point d’y introduire des lignes de clivage sapant une partie des fondements de l’attachement à l’organisation de production de la performance sportive. De la sorte, les dispositions initiales au loyalisme en partie façonnées par l’institution fédérale sont par la suite subverties par la production de dichotomies internes à la communauté de pratiquantes. Un redéploiement des loyautés engendre un nouvel équilibre où le « double-je » des acteurs vise la prolongation d’une situation d’apesanteur sociale. Les sportives se réapproprient en fait les codes de la loyauté envers l’institution fédérale en les adaptant selon les publics et les situations. En montrant cela, l’analyse prend à revers les perspectives qui décrivent sous un angle homogène le modelage institutionnel. Drawing on the case of high-level women's judo, this study of the practical operation of the sports institution shows the effects of loyalism generating mechanisms. It shows how, at the end of a process of integration that combines enchantment, containment and disillusionment, the institution is internalised by high-level athletes. However, the modern development of a performance ranking system that tends to value only leaders in the sports hierarchy is affecting the development of individual dispositions to loyalism. Its effects modify the general climate of relations between athletes, to the point that it introduces faultlines into some of the foundations of the attachment of the organisation that produces sports performance. In this way, the initial dispositions to loyalism partly shaped by the federal institution are subsequently subverted by the production of dichotomies within the practitioner community. A restructuring of loyalties produces a new balance in which the “dual self” of the actors seeks to prolong a situation of social zero-gravity. In fact, athletes reappropriate the codes of loyalty towards the federal institution, while adapting them to people and contexts. In showing this, the analysis reverses the perspectives that describe the institutional modelling from a uniform angle.