Explore the vast range of titles available.

We present a theoretical rationale and supporting studies revealing how unethical leader behavior fosters an unethical climate within workgroups that increases member turnover intentions and malfeasance. Drawing on the attraction-selection-attrition model of organizational behavior, we propose a selective attrition effect whereby unethical leader behavior results in the retention of group members who are more comfortable with dishonesty and, consequently, more likely to engage in unethical behavior toward their group. In two experiments, exposure to unethical leader behavior (vs. ethical leader behavior) increased group members' likelihood of choosing to leave the group. Members who chose to remain in a group with an unethical leader were more likely than those who chose to leave to cheat their group in a subsequent task. A two time-period survey replicated these findings and identified psychological distress as the mechanism driving group members' turnover intentions. This research extends our understanding of the complex relationships between unethical leadership and follower turnover intentions, psychological distress, and malfeasance. We contribute to the behavioral ethics literature by identifying a previously underappreciated form of selective attrition that produces internal costs to groups and organizations, independent of reputational consequences and whether the unethicality is publicized.

This article develops and tests an identity-based account of malfeasance in consumer markets. We hypothesize that multi-brand organizational structures help predatory firms short-circuit reputational discipline by rendering their underlying identities opaque to consumer audiences. The analysis utilizes comprehensive administrative data on all U.S. for-profit colleges, an industry characterized by widespread fraud and poor (although variable) educational outcomes. Consistent with the hypothesis that brand multiplicity facilitates malfeasance by reducing ex ante reputational risks, colleges that are part of multi-brand companies invest less in instruction, have worse student outcomes, and are more likely to face legal and regulatory sanctions (relative to single-brand firms). Maintaining multiple outward-facing brand identities also mitigates reputational penalties in the wake of law enforcement actions, as measured by news coverage of legal actions, and by subsequent enrollment growth. The results suggest identity multiplicity plays a key role in allowing firms to furnish substandard products, even amid frequent scandals and media scrutiny. Predatory practices are facilitated not only by the inherent informational asymmetries in a given product, but also by firms’ efforts to make themselves less legible to audiences. The analysis contributes to research on higher education, organizational theory, and the sociology of markets.

This article examines the causes of financial malfeasance in the largest U.S. corporations between 1995 and 2004. The findings support organizational-political embeddedness theory, which suggests that differential social structures create dependencies, incentives, and opportunities to engage in financial malfeasance. The historical analysis shows that neoliberal policies enacted between 1986 and 2000 resulted in organizational and political structures that permitted managers to engage in financial malfeasance. Our quantitative analysis provides three main findings. First, capital dependence on investors creates incentives to engage in financial malfeasance. Second, managerial strategies to increase shareholder value create incentives to engage in financial malfeasance. Third, the multilayer-subsidiary form and the political structure permitting corporate PAC contributions create opportunities to engage in financial malfeasance. These findings have important implications for public policy; the corporate and state structures enacted in the late-twentieth century were the outcome of a long-term, well-financed, and systematic political strategy that provided managers with unprecedented power, autonomy, and opportunity to engage in financial malfeasance.

There have been some studies that focused on the amelioration of corruption and kleptocracy in Africa with the hope of ushering in a more equitable polity on the African continent. These studies were directed at kleptocratic leaders and their inner circles, who have inexorably honed the craft of state theft. This study endeavours to establish who the enablers of kleptocratic leadership are and also suggests a way forward in fighting the scourge of corruption and malfeasance that continues to rob the ordinary persons of their much-needed help in fighting hunger, marginalisation, and poverty. A desktop analysis is embarked upon in the process of understanding the shortcomings exhibited by many of the programmes that are purported to stop the wave of corruption and malfeasance that continues to be an impediment in the development of Africa. For the purpose of this study, only three countries in Africa (viz., Nigeria, South Africa, and Zimbabwe) are used as prime examples to understand the tidal wave of corruption and malfeasance in Africa. The study relies on Bandura’s theory that proves that people learn attitudes, behaviours, and values through observation and modelling. In the African context, we have corrupt leaders who have emulated other kleptocrats and, as such, believe that being corrupt is the hallmark of success. Ernst Bloch’s utopian theories are also probed to glean into the toxic contradictions of the socio-political economies of the capitalist world that glorifies corruption and misfeasance. The study argues that halting the scourge of corruption necessitates a concerted effort, specifically requiring civil society and pro-poor organisations to intensify their campaigns against malfeasance. This advocacy is positioned as a critical precursor to a revolutionary upsurge aimed at liberating Africa from the grasp of kleptocracy. The recommendations of the study are that our African leaders should be imbued with the spirit to continue fighting a neo-colonial order that is an impediment to the growth of Africa. They should continue to give an alternative form of a paradigm that is rooted in African survival and prosperity, devoid of corruption and malfeasance.

Our study investigates an unexplored succession process—interim CEO successions. We define an interim CEO succession as a case where the title of chief executive officer is vacated by the incumbent and the board of directors has not announced a permanent successor, but instead designates a particular individual as ' interim CEO,' or 'acting CEO,' or 'CEO until a permanent successor is named. ' Theory predicts that interim CEO successions will lead to the type of disruption that can harm firm performance, even after a permanent successor is appointed. Our data show that interim CEO succession processes are widely employed by publicly-traded U.S. firms, and that they are associated with lower performance during the period in which the interim serves. However, whether the interim CEO also simultaneously serves as chairman moderates the impact of this type of succession on firm performance, as well as on long-term firm survival.

While elections are an instrument to hold politicians accountable, corrupt politicians are often re-elected. A potential explanation for this paradox is that citizens trade-off integrity for competence. Voters may forgive corruption if corrupt politicians manage to deliver desirable outcomes. While previous studies have examined whether politicians’ competence moderates the negative effect of corruption, this paper focuses on voters’ priorities and directly assesses what citizens value more: integrity or favourable outcomes. Using a survey experiment, we assess citizens’ support for politicians who violate the law in order to improve the welfare of their community and, in some cases, benefit personally from these violations. The results indicate that citizens prefer a politician who follows the law, even if this leads to a suboptimal outcome. However, voters are more likely to overlook violations of the law that benefit the community if these do not result in a personal gain for politicians (i.e., in the absence of corruption). These findings suggest that the mild electoral punishment of corruption may be due to the public’s unawareness of private gains from malfeasance, or to the delay in these private benefits becoming apparent by election day.

Utilizing a unique data set from the Italian Ministry of Justice reporting the transmission to the Chamber of Deputies of more than the thousand requests for the removal of parliamentary immunity from deputies suspected of criminal wrongdoing, the authors analyze the political careers of members of the Chamber during the first eleven postwar legislatures (1948–94). They find that judicial investigation typically did not discourage deputies from standing for reelection in Italy's large multimember electoral districts. They also show that voters did not punish allegedly malfeasant legislators with loss of office until the last (Eleventh) legislature in the sample. To account for the dramatic change in voter behavior that occurred in the early 1990s, the investigation focuses on the roles of the judiciary and the press. The results are consistent with a theory that a vigilant and free press is a necessary condition for political accountability in democratic settings. An independent judiciary alone is ineffective in ensuring electoral accountability if the public is not informed of political malfeasance.

This article presents a model of the research and publication process that analyzes why scientists commit fraud and how fraud can be detected and prevented. In the model, authors are asymmetrically informed about the success of their projects and can fraudulently manipulate their results. We show, first, that the types of scientific frauds that are observed are unlikely to be representative of the overall amount of malfeasance; also, star scientists are more likely to misbehave but less likely to be caught than average scientists. Second, a reduction in fraud verification costs may not lead to a reduction of misconduct episodes but rather to a change in the type of research that is performed. Third, a strong \"publish or perish\" pressure may reduce, and not increase, scientific misconduct because it motivates more scrutiny. Finally, a more active role of editors in checking for misconduct does not always provide additional deterrence.

有鑑於國外學界對於大專校院教師兼任主管職務之見解雖多為正向，但於反芻我國現況時，乃初步發現對於同樣能夠達成「大學社會責任」核心目的之大專校院教師兼任學校各單位主管一事，政府在現行法制設計上，不僅基於司法院大法官釋字第308號解釋，針對研究量 能多較私立大專校院為高的國公立大專校院專任教師兼任主管職人員之行為規範，採行公務人員管理模式思維，在學校人事行政實務上亦是對於該當群體成員設有重重限制。緣此，本文採取以文件分析為主的質性研究法，擬自基於前述釋字第308號解釋所形成的公教分途觀 點，整理與探究政府於國立大專校院教師在兼任主管職務工作期間所建構之違失行為行政責任追究面向的管理規範內容，是否符合自教育法學觀點所建構出的高等教育行政圖像，並提出我國政府未來應依據以執行「最低必要程度之合目的性監督」原則為基礎的友善監督立場，對於前述面向之管理規範應調整、抑或需進一步研擬的具體策略。最後為求自根本處落實前述政府應善盡之友善監督立場，乃提出人民或可提出聲請釋字第308號解釋變更之憲法訴訟，以及國家最高立法機關應參酌日本《教育公務員特例法》的立法先例或是推動國立大學法人化之法制化工作，劃定國家公權力得涉入教育事項之範疇等相關呼籲，以促成我國高等教育行政體制之完善運作。 Universities are centers of teaching and research. Additionally, universities play an foundational role in social and economic development. In the United States, teachers are often regarded as social servants and are an indicator of their ability to implement curriculum. In Taiwan, article 1, paragraph 1 of the University Act states that the purpose of a university is “to research, nurture talent, enhance the culture, [provide] service to society and promote national development [...].” In addition, article 1, item 1 of the Junior College Act stipulates that “colleges and universities shall teach and promote applied science and technology, cultivate employability, and develop practical professionals.” Since 2017, Taiwan’s government has proposed and promoted projects such as the University Social Responsibility Practice Plan and the Higher Education Deepening Project, which focus on the implementation of university social responsibility (USR). USR encourages university teachers and students to improve their academic research and partake in social development activities. Therefore, Taiwan’s government should adopt a positive and supportive stance toward engagement with faculty members in off-campus professional activities and promoting USR. This paper thus analyzes university teacher behavior from the perspectives of laws and regulations and behavioral management as well as the role of the state. The focus is on teachers who are engaging in supervisory duties. Because this paper focuses on the analysis of academic theories and legal regulations, we adopted the qualitative research method of document analysis. The focal documents are mainly legal and regulatory documents, including Interpretation No. 308, administrative letters, court decisions, and impeachment cases of the Control Yuan. Additionally, we engage in a comparison of Taiwan’s relevant legal regime with those of other nations. Ultimately, we determined that Interpretation No. 308 is not only at odds with Taiwan’s constitution and jurisprudence protecting the academic freedom of university teachers and universities’ autonomy but also with the principles of higher education administration. The central education administration still relies only on Interpretation No. 308 to maintain that the Civil Service Law and the related laws and regulations derived from it must be applied to university teachers who hold supervisory positions; yet, this violates the Statutory Doctrine of Higher Education established in constitutional jurisprudence and other interpretations of the Judicial Yuan. Although this article does not abandon the logic of the legal system, it provides some suggestions for the central educational administration to implement the \"minimum necessary degree of purposeful supervision.” However, two actions are necessary to do so. First, people may need to petition the Constitutional Court to reconsider or overrule Interpretation No. 308. This would be similar to urging the Justice Court to implement the Supplementary Interpretation that was mandated before the publication and implementation of the Constitutional Court Procedure Act. According to article 42, paragraph 2 of the Constitutional Court Procedure Act, which came into force in January 2019, if the people determine and judge that the legal norms that have been interpreted as constitutional by the Judicial Yuan or if significant changes in social circumstances occur, they may appeal to the Constitutional Court for review. If the academic community agrees that Interpretation No. 308 infringes on the autonomy of the university, the relevant parties should follow the provisions and procedures set forth in the same law to request the Constitutional Court to review whether Interpretation No. 308 remains appropriate. Second, to implement the Statutory Doctrine of Higher Education in the administration of higher education and clarify the supervisory authority of the central education administration, this paper argues that the highest legislature of Taiwan should reference the Japanese Educational Civil Service Law or the precedent of legalizing national universities. Moreover, the legislature should clearly define the areas in which the state can intervene in national basic education and higher education to protect teachers and their rights. Doing so would improve the operation of the Taiwanese higher education system.