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Utilizing panel quantile regression on an unbalanced dataset for 30 European countries from 2008 to 2018, this article seeks to investigate how the age of cabinet members influences e-waste recycling rates in European countries, alongside other relevant factors. Prior research has overlooked the age of cabinet members as a determinant of e-waste recycling. By addressing this gap, this study introduces a novel factor that could impact e-waste recycling rates. Thus, this study provides insights into how the demographic characteristics of parliament members, particularly the age of cabinet members, impact environmental improvement, as indicated by e-waste recycling rates. Estimation results indicate the existence of a nonlinear relationship (i.e., an inverted U-shaped environmental Kuznets curve) between the age of cabinet members and the e-waste recycling rate, rather than a linear relationship. The calculated average turning point age is 49.087, indicating that the e-waste recycling rate increases as the age of cabinet members rises until reaching 49.087, after which the e-waste recycling rate declines. Overall, this study underscores the importance of the demographic characteristics of parliament members, particularly the age of cabinet members, in shaping e-waste recycling policies and environmental sustainability efforts. It emphasizes that the age of cabinet members and generational perspectives can influence their awareness, understanding, and commitment to addressing contemporary challenges such as e-waste.

Politicians from around the world are increasingly subject to harassment, with women disproportionately targeted. Recent changes in the sociopolitical landscape have influenced the nature and intensity of this harassment, with New Zealand being no exception. This qualitative study explores the experiences and impacts of harassment among female Members of Parliament (MPs) in New Zealand. Semi-structured interviews with 11 female MPs were analysed, using thematic analysis, to identify key themes. Four major themes emerged. First, misogyny and racism were ubiquitous in the harassment of female MPs, their staff, and their families. Second, women found responding to abuse came at great personal cost, including increased mental and administrative workloads. Third, psychosocial impacts of harassment were considerable and, at worst, associated with some MPs experiencing flashbacks and suicidality. Last, there were shifting sands in the nature of harassment, influenced by political polarisation, social media, and the COVID-19 pandemic. Barriers to support included parliamentary culture, stoicism, and perceived ineffectuality and insensitivity of support services. Harassment profoundly impacts female parliamentarians. This challenges representation in politics and the fabric of democracy. A multi-faceted response to the harassment of female MPs is urgently needed.

The value of knowledge resources is widely recognized in both science and business, and knowledge management measures are increasingly being adopted in public authorities. However, parliaments, as core institutions of democratic systems, have thus far received scant attention in scientific studies. Furthermore, previous approaches fail to take into account the characteristics of the political system, such as elected offices, the relationship between government and opposition, or the lack of minimum qualifications for mandates. As a result, several studies consistently find that knowledge within parliament tends to be disorganized and lacking in transparency. This is unfortunate, as effective knowledge organization is crucial particularly for familiarizing oneself with unfamiliar topics without the necessary training. As part of an exploratory study, an international comparative study of knowledge management of all members of the 28 European national parliaments (including the EU Parliament) was initially carried out. Between May and June 2023, an online survey and several interviews were conducted as part of a mixed methods approach. Due to the very low response rate of only three percent, there is no claim to generalization and conclusions must be formulated with caution. Nevertheless, the results indicate that organizational and cultural barriers hinder effective knowledge work in parliament. The existing technical and human resources are insufficient to enable transparent and universal knowledge provision, while ideologies, career aspirations and electoral success further complicate the situation. A systematic approach to knowledge management has not yet been identified, leading to a shortage of resources and specialized knowledge to adequately process and utilize the vast amounts of information generated daily. Inexperienced MPs and opposition members, who are particularly dependent on reliable sources of information, are especially affected by these deficiencies. Without ignoring its limited power, this paper aims to make a modest contribution to the debate by presenting a first approach to a political knowledge management model. It highlights the need to raise awareness of knowledge management, develop a clear knowledge strategy and involve external expertise more. This research is of the opinion that a systematic approach to knowledge management can be established by integrating external expertise and IT-based solutions. Further research is needed, but knowledge management has the long-term potential to become a useful tool in parliamentary work by facilitating the necessary mentality change and thus contributing to a broader knowledge base.

Differentiated integration has become ubiquitous in the European Union today. However, the evaluation of differentiated integration by the academic community is much contested: While some see it as a remedy to political gridlock, others think of it as the beginning of the end of the EU (i.e., disintegration). Our article sheds light on the relationship between differentiated integration and disintegration from the viewpoint of subnational members of Parliament. Assuming that at least some scenarios of differentiated integration are related to disintegration, we report on data from a survey of seven EU member states about subnational members of Parliament’s preferences regarding future scenarios for the EU. Our results find that a preference for a Europe with a singular focus on “nothing but the single market” is related to a functionalist approach towards European integration and the perceived disintegration of the EU. This preference is especially prevalent among subnational MPs in the Czech Republic and Poland, both known for having opt-out solutions. While the Czech Republic constantly shows high levels of Euroscepticism in public surveys, the reverse is true in Poland. Obviously, a general commitment to the EU should not be equated with a shared common goal of further European integration. If such differences become permanent, European integration may genuinely be endangered.

This article delved into the motivations, challenges and resilience of women in Zambian politics, specifically focusing on selected Members of Parliament (MPs) and councillors. To understand participants' lived experiences, a qualitative interpretivist paradigm was employed, using a phenomenological research design. The study was framed by critical theory. Data were sourced from nine participants (three parliamentarians and six councillors) who responded to an online questionnaire and were later interviewed to gain deeper insights into their political experiences. Quantitative data were analysed using descriptive statistics, and the qualitative data underwent thematic analysis. The findings indicated that participants were primarily motivated to engage in politics to create positive change and improve the lives of fellow citizens, promote gender equality and women's rights, and challenge cultural beliefs suggesting that women cannot succeed in politics. Participants encountered various challenges, including discrimination, harassment, limited access to financial resources, a lack of political networks, and weak implementation of national policies and laws supporting women's participation in politics. Despite these challenges, participants demonstrated resilience through their determination to serve the people and their commitment to fulfilling their mandates. Participants drew inspiration from renowned female politicians, found spiritual strength, and received support from family and friends. The study recommends enhanced lobbying for the effective implementation of policies and legislation that empower and emancipate women to participate in politics. Additionally, it suggests the formation of networks and alliances to facilitate women's support and mentorship in the political arena.

ObjectivesThis study examined the prevalence of risky drinking by members of parliament (MPs), as well as the relationship between risky drinking and age, years spent as an MP, working outside parliament, awareness of the Parliamentary Health and Wellbeing Service, and probable mental ill health.DesignA survey questionnaire assessed alcohol consumption using the Alcohol Use Disorders Identification Test (AUDIT). Risky drinking was identified by combining categories of increasing (hazardous), higher (harmful) and probable dependent drinking for those with a total score of 8 or more. Comparator groups from the 2014 Adult Psychiatric Morbidity Survey (APMS) were used as controls.SettingUK House of Commons.Participants650 MPs.ResultsCompared with all 650 MPs, participants (n=146) were more likely to be female (p<0.05) or have an educational qualification (p<0.05). Weighted proportions on AUDIT items were higher than the APMS comparator group for participants who had a drink four or more times a week, 10 or more drinks on a typical drinking day, six or more drinks in one occasion, or felt guilty because of drinking (p<0.01). Weighted percentages for risky drinking were higher in MPs compared with the whole English population (p<0.05), but similar when compared with socioeconomic comparator groups. The odds of risky drinking were 2.74 times greater for MPs who had an additional work role outside parliament compared with those who did not (95% CI 0.98 to 7.65) and 2.4 times greater for MPs with probable mental ill health compared with those with no evidence of probable mental ill health (95% CI 0.78 to 7.43).ConclusionsA low level of awareness of the Parliamentary Health and Wellbeing Service has implications for improving the detection of risky drinking and improving access to this service by MPs. Possible increased likelihood of risky drinking in MPs who also had an additional work role outside Parliament and among those with probable mental ill health requires further exploration.

The COVID-19 pandemic requires an effort to coordinate the actions of government and society in a way unmatched in recent history. Individual citizens need to voluntarily sacrifice economic and social activity for an indefinite period of time to protect others. At the same time, we know that public opinion tends to become polarized on highly salient issues, except when political elites are in consensus (Berinsky, 2009; Zaller, 1992). Avoiding elite and public polarization is thus essential for an effective societal response to the pandemic. In the United States, there appears to be elite and public polarization on the severity of the pandemic (Gadarian et al., 2020). Other evidence suggests that polarization is undermining compliance with social distancing (Cornelson and Miloucheva, 2020). Using a multimethod approach, we show that Canadian political elites and the public are in a unique period of cross-partisan consensus on important questions related to the COVID-19 pandemic, such as its seriousness and the necessity of social distancing.

The vote after an emotional debate in the House of Commons to give the Terminally Ill Adults (End of Life) Bill a third reading means the bill will now go for further scrutiny to the House of Lords, where commentators have suggested the decision to give it a third reading meant it was almost certain to become law. There is a convention that the Lords will not interfere with the decisions of the democratically elected house, although the size of the majority, reduced to 23 from the 55 MPs who previously voted to approve the bill in principle, could influence peers opposed to the bill. Andrew Green, chair of the BMA’s medical ethics committee, said, “One fundamental principle that we have been clear on, is that, if the law does change, doctors must have to actively op in, and no doctor should be forced to take part in any part of the process; they must be able to decline involvement in any part of the process and for any reason.

A new report by WHO and STOP, a global tobacco industry watchdog, has outlined how the tobacco and nicotine industry continues to market its products at young people. The authors pointed out that advertisements for e-cigarettes, nicotine pouches, and heated tobacco products abound in digital spaces, such as social media platforms, where children and adolescents congregate. The bill would have made it illegal to sell tobacco products to anyone born after 2008.

Having more pre-legislative stages would allow better quality debate