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"Macedonian question."
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The Macedonians : their past and present
Overview: some historical facts on the ground -- Statement of the problem and basic questions -- The methodology of ethnicity research -- Historical/political manifestations of the Macedonian ethnic identity -- Cognitive self-descriptor evidence for a Macedonian ethnicity -- Sociocultural characterization of the Macedonian ethnic identity -- Components of the Macedonian ethnic identity: genetic DNA evidence -- Who the Macedonians are: an across domain, evidence-based answer -- Problems in development of the Macedonian ethnic identity -- A general ethnicity model.
BOOK
Under Stalin's Shadow
Under Stalin's Shadow examines
the history of the Communist Party of Greece (KKE) from 1918 to
1956, showing how closely national Communism was related to
international developments. The history of the KKE reveals
the role of Moscow in the various Communist parties of Southeastern
Europe, as Nikos Marantzidis shows that Communism's international
institutions (Moscow Center, Comintern, Balkan Communist
Federation, Cominform, and sister parties in the Balkans) were not
merely external factors influencing orientation and policy
choices.
Based on research from published and unpublished archival
documents located in Greece, Russia, Eastern and Western Europe,
and the Balkan countries, Under Stalin's Shadow traces the
KKE movement's interactions with fraternal parties in neighboring
states and with their acknowledged supreme mentors in Stalin's
Soviet Russia. Marantzidis reveals how, because the boundaries
between the national and international in the Communist world were
not clearly drawn, international institutions, geopolitical soviet
interests, and sister parties' strategies shaped in fundamental
ways the KKE's leadership, its character and decision making as a
party, and the way of life of its followers over the years.
eBook
Inventing a Prosthetic Bourgeoisie: Romania and the Aromanians, 1848–1906
The present article focuses on the period between 1848 and 1906—between the politicized “discovery” of Balkan Aromanians as a kinfolk by Romanian nation-state builders and the aftermath of the community’s recognition by the Ottoman government. Examining how Romania imagined its own entanglement in the Macedonian Question, the article aims to raise the broader question of how a nation-state imagined the agency of kinfolk beyond its borders and, as part of a geographically distributed national division of labor, ascribed a specific task to one part of its ethnic body. In Romania’s case, this had a double thrust. One, Aromanians were imagined as the natural bourgeoisie of the southern Balkans, a people superior in their origins, culture, and mores to other ethnic groups—and a natural vanguard for Romania’s economic interests in the region. Two, they were imagined as a vanguard for catalyzing the internal development of a native merchant class in Romania proper, which was understood as a primary agent for economic and social progress but perceived to be problematically absent. Thus, this study hones in on the process of ascribing the status of a “prosthetic bourgeoisie” to the Aromanians, and its insistent discursive recurrence.
Journal Article
Blood ties : religion, violence, and the politics of nationhood in Ottoman Macedonia, 1878-1908
\"The region that is today the Republic of Macedonia was long the heart of the Ottoman Empire in Europe. It was home to a complex mix of peoples and faiths who had for hundreds of years lived together in relative peace. To be sure, these people were no strangers to coercive violence and various forms of depredations visited upon them by bandits and state agents. In the final decades of the nineteenth century and throughout the twentieth century, however, the region was periodically racked by bitter conflict that was qualitatively different from previous outbreaks of violence. In Blood Ties, Ipek K. Yosmaoglu explains the origins of this shift from sporadic to systemic and pervasive violence through a social history of the Macedonian Question\"-- Publisher's Web site.
Book
“Why Did It Take So Long?” Exploring Greek Public Opinion as an Obstacle to the Settlement of the Macedonia Name Dispute
The Macedonia name dispute was resolved in 2018 with the signing of the Prespa Agreement. Ambassador Nimetz – one of the key players in the solution efforts – queried recently “Why did it take us so long?”, echoing the confusion of foreign observers about what has routinely been seen as an incomprehensible spat. This article provides more context about the past intractability of the dispute by focusing on the role of Greek public opinion. Taking stock of the literature on the relationship between foreign policy-making and public opinion, our analysis identifies key parameters for investigating the influence of Greek public opinion on policy. We test these parameters against empirical data from a comprehensive poll on the name dispute that was conducted in 2016, only a few months before the start of the negotiations that led to the Prespa Agreement. Our analysis demonstrates the extent and depth of the Greek public’s opposition to any compromise, as well as the emotional involvement in the Macedonia name dispute. The findings have implications for our understanding of the process that led to the settlement of the dispute as well as the challenges of implementing the agreement.
Journal Article
British Foreign Office Documents on the Macedonian Question, 1919-1941
This book of documents aims to analyze the British Foreign Office’s policy regarding the Macedonian Question in the interwar period and its reflection on the diplomatic relations between the United Kingdom and Bulgaria as well as with the other Balkan countries involved. The selected documents review the policy of the British Foreign Office towards the Macedonian Question. The British Foreign Office’s policy, formulated at the Paris Peace Conference, had always been aiming at weakening the issue. Gradually, the British diplomatic efforts focused on prohibiting the Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization (IMRO) and on its complete disbanding. The end of IMRO in 1934, however, did not bring the desired end to the Macedonian Question. WWII revived the unresolved national questions once again. The selected documents have not been published yet and are of great use and interest for many scholars and students. The presented documents are not only part of the diplomatic correspondence between Sofia and London but also part of the correspondence between the British Foreign Office and its representatives, mainly Athens and Belgrade.
eBook
Macedonia
Macedonia has been contested by its three neighbours – Serbia, Bulgaria and Greece – during and since the demise of the Ottoman Empire. But the Macedonian Question extends far beyond the contested borders of Macedonia to immigrant communities in Europe, Australia and North America. The contributors to this collection explore the contemporary repercussions of the Macedonian Question, which has long been at the heart of Balkan politics. The volume recognises Macedonia as a global issue, and focuses on the politics of identity and difference in both homeland and diaspora. The contributors argue that Macedonia as place and as concept is forged within a transnational network of diasporas, local communities, states and international institutions. They examine the increasingly important role of transnational bodies – including the European Union and human rights NGOs – in regulating relationships between states and minority groups, as well as in promoting multiculturalism and civic participation. They consider the role of scholarship and the media in defining Macedonia and its inhabitants. They also draw attention to the struggles of individuals in constructing, negotiating and even transforming their identities in the face of competing nationalisms and memories. In the process, they re-evaluate ‘ethnicity’ as a conceptual tool for understanding difference in the region, and raise questions about the implications of recognising, and not recognising, difference at the political level.
eBook
Diplomatic and Journalistic Comments on the Agreement between the Ottoman Empire and the Principality of Bulgaria in 1904
Bulgarian-Ottoman relations from the end of the XIX-th and the beginning of the XX-th century played an important part in the process of transformation of the European Ottoman heritage into the modern state and political system of the Balkans. The Agreement between the two states from 1904 is a significant page in the history of those relations. The agreement entered into between the Ottoman Empire and the Principality of Bulgaria solved a number of problems at a moment crucial for the development of the Macedonian Question. The agreement was welcomed by the official diplomacy and was interpreted as a step forward to affirming the peace in the European Southeast. In the predominant part of political, diplomatic and journalists' comments, the emphasis is on the outcomes of the agreement for the Bulgarian state. As far as European opinion-making circles were concerned, through that agreement Bulgaria turned into a guarantor - state for conducting the Murzsteg Reforms. That led the country to a higher-reputation level compared to its neighbour-states Greece and Serbia in terms of the Macedonian Question. The Principality of Bulgaria turned out to be in the centre of the interests of the European political and diplomatic circles and attracted the attention of public opinion in the European capitals so much that its role in the development of the Macedonian Question and for protection of the peace on the Balkans will be later on determined as crucial.
Journal Article