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When El-Kurd was growing up in occupied Jerusalem, the people seeking to expel him from his neighborhood were Jewish, and their organizations often had \"Jewish\" in their name. So were the people who stole his home, scattered his furniture in the street and burned his baby sister's crib. The judges banging their gavels in favor of his expulsion were also Jewish, and so were the lawmakers whose laws facilitated and systematized his dispossession. The bureaucrat issuing--and sometimes revoking-- his blue ID cards was a Jew, and he especially despised him because a stroke of his pen stood between his father and his father's greatgreat- grandfather's city. As for the soldiers who were frisking him to check for those IDs, some were Druze, some Muslim, most of them Jewish, and all of them, according to his grandmother, were \"godless bastards.\" Those who administered the rifles and handcuffs, those who wrote the meticulous and murderous urban plans were--you guessed it.

This article elucidates the Palestinian Authority's (PA) criminal prohibition on the sale of land to Israelis and Jews and its application during the presidency of Mahmoud Abbas (Abu Mazen). The study of PA legislation, case law, public statements by prosecution authorities, and media coverage in PA-controlled areas reveals diverse normative foundations behind the sentences of five years to life imposed by the PA Attorney General on numerous defendants. While suspects of attempting or completing the sale of land to Jews risk grave bodily harm and mortal danger, the death penalty is not specified in PA legislation and has rarely been imposed (but never enforced). Such sales, even when they take place in Jerusalem or involve non-Jewish buyers, are deemed treasonous since they serve the Israeli settlement enterprise and weaken PA policy positions. Criminal proceedings in these cases impinge on the property rights and personal freedoms of vendors and constitute discrimination based on nationality and religion. The PA land-sale prohibition resembles restrictions from the British Mandate era, and both reflect the historical contest over the political status of the Land of Israel.

A day after discussing with Israeli leaders when northern Gazans will be able to return to their homes, Secretary of State Antony Blinken met with Mahmoud Abbas, president of the Palestinian Authority, on Jan. 10.

The article records my interview with Track Two Palestinian peace negotiator Hussein Agha. We discussed his own involvement in the peace process; the Oslo Accords; the Stockholm channel; the Beilin/Abu Mazen Agreement and Camp David 2000. We also discussed the qualities of the two Palestinian leaders who chose him for different assignments, Arafat and Abbas; the use of violence as a political weapon; Palestinian internal rivalries; the merits of Track Two negotiations, and the Palestinian Right of Return. The interview assesses the positive and negative lessons and implications of the peace process.

Killing and torture in Palestinian Authority (PA) prisons is themodus operandi, through which Palestinian interrogators exact \"confessions.\" Palestinian political prisoners in PA custody are usually divided into two main groups: activists who are suspected by Israel of being involved in anti-Israeli occupation activities, and others who have been detained for voicing criticism of the PA's corruption or subservience to Israel. In a 2018 report by Human Rights Watch, the group spoke of \"dozens of arrests,\" carried out by the PA \"for critical posts on social media platforms.\" Here, Baroud examines the rationale behind the PA's very existence and compares that initial purpose to what has transpired in the following years.

A delegation of 14 Orthodox Jewish rabbis who oppose the Zionist ideology rallied in front of the White House May 3 to welcome the Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas to town. He was meeting in the White House with President Donald Trump in Washington DC.

Five years after spear-heading what is inaptly referred to as a government of national reconciliation, Palestinian Prime Minister Rami Hamdallah has finally resigned. We put our government at the disposal of President Mahmoud Abbas and we welcome the recommendations of the Fatah Central Committee to form a new government, Hamdallah tweeted, shortly after Abbas had ordered him to dismantle the government. Even before becoming a president of the PA in January 2005, Abbas has always been a divisive political figure. When he was the PA's prime minister, between March and September 2003, under the late Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat, Abbas clashed with anyone who would challenge his often self-serving political agenda, including Arafat himself. His constant clashing with Arafat at the time made him a favorite in Washington. Abbas was elected on a weak popular mandate, as Hamas and others boycotted the presidential elections. His first, and only term in office expired in 2009.

Secretary of State Antony Blinken met with Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas on Jan. 31 in Ramallah.