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[Poder presidencial, vetos y política pública: Un estudio comparativo de Brasil y Estados Unidos]ABSTRACTMuch of the literature on Presidentialism focuses on the argument that bipartisan presidential systems are better able to avoid a conflictive Executive-Legislative relationship by facilitating the formation of coalitions in Congress and partisan ideological identification. From a comparative perspective, this study aims to identify and discuss the ability of the presidents of the United States and Brazil to promote public policy, and to examine the degree of conflict in the drafting of these policies by studying legislative vetoes. In addition, it analyzes the success rate of welfare bills voted in the lower chamber of the two countries and supported by their respective presidents. The period studied here covers 16 years (from 1995 to 2010 in Brazil and in the United States from 1993 to 2008), consisting of eight years of more liberal administrations and eight years of more conservative ones in each country. The presented hypothesis is that there is no significant difference between two-party or multi-party systems in terms of conflict, public policy drafting and presidential success rate. The data are analyzed using multivariate regressions and undergo qualitative treatment for a deeper understanding.RESUMENGran parte de la literatura sobre el presidencialismo se centra en el argumento de que los sistemas presidenciales bipartidistas son más capaces de evitar una relación conflictiva entre ejecutivo y legislativo al facilitar la formación de coaliciones en el Congreso y la identificación ideológica partidista. Desde una perspectiva comparativa, este estudio tiene como objetivo identificar y discutir los poderes de los presidentes de los Estados Unidos y Brasil para promover políticas públicas y verificar el grado de conflicto en la producción de dichas políticas mediante el control de los vetos legislativos. Analiza también la tasa de éxito de los proyectos de leyes de políticas de bienestar votadas en la cámara baja de los dos países y respaldados por sus respectivos presidentes. Abarca un período de 16 años (de 1995 a 2010 en Brasil y en los Estados Unidos de 1993 a 2008), con ocho años de administraciones más liberales y ocho años de gobiernos más conservadores en cada país. La hipótesis es que no hay una diferencia significativa con respecto al conflicto y la producción de políticas públicas en sistemas bipartidistas o multipartidistas y que las tasas de éxito son similares. Los datos se analizan mediante regresiones multivariables y se someten a un tratamiento cualitativo para una comprensión más profunda.

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New Orleans is a city with a story. The city was founded in 1718 and became famous for its architecture, music, food, and parties. The city is home to a major port, the New Orleans Saints, the French Quarter, and is the regarded as the birthplace of jazz. Devastated by Hurricane Katrina and the flooding which ensued in 2005, the city has undertaken a massive rebuilding and recovery effort utilizing state and federal assistance. The city of New Orleans is governed by a city council consisting of seven members and an elected mayor.

Paradoxical status of case studies in social sciences is particularly evident in comparative politics, where theoretical relevance of a case study method is repeatedly undermined despite the overwhelming amount of empirical research that employs it. For this reason, the paper explores under which conditions a single case study can be defined as a method of comparative politics, as well as its specific strengths and weaknesses for theory development in comparative politics. The first part of the paper tries to clarify definitional disputes which contribute to unjustifiable dismissals of case study as a comparative method. The second part examines in more detail the potential contribution of case studies in accomplishing the goals of comparative research. Arguments put forward in both parts of the paper point to positive evaluation of case study as a legitimate method of comparative politics.

Sica replies to James Mahoney's article, \"Revisiting General Theory in Historical Sociology,\" which has certain foundational claims that are all knowingly inflammatory. Among other things, it claims that a general theory is a postulate about a foundational cause that features two components: a causal agent and a causal mechanism.

The Bush Administration is shifting oversight of the US Global Change Research Program (GCRP) from a scientific steering group to the Commerce Department, and some researchers fear that the move could undermine the quality of the $1.7 billion effort. The new structure of the GCRP is discussed.