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The literature on indigenous health and health disparities primarily focuses on Western countries such as Australia, Canada, New Zealand, and the United States. Nonetheless, an emerging but dispersed corpus of research exists on the determinants of health and health disparities among indigenous populations in Taiwan, a developed nation with sizable indigenous communities. Despite these developments, an understanding of current scholarship on the determinants of indigenous health and health disparities remains lacking. To bridge this gap, we systematically searched PubMed/Medline, Web of Science databases, and the Airiti Library, the most comprehensive Chinese database in Taiwan. By December 31, 2022, we identified 54 relevant studies, including 48 peer-reviewed articles in English and 6 in Chinese. These studies reveal significant disparities in mortality rates and the burden of infectious and chronic diseases between indigenous and non-indigenous populations. Factors contributing to the comparatively poorer health of indigenous communities include genetic predispositions, sociodemographic marginalization, and lifestyle choices. The studies employ diverse methodologies, ranging from small convenience samples to nationally representative data. Our analysis identified four paradigms (biomedical, epidemiological, anthropological, and historical/critical), with most focusing on biomedical and epidemiological perspectives. This review also underscores the scarcity of social-behavioral health research dedicated to indigenous health in Taiwan, highlighting the need for future studies to develop robust conceptual models, collect longitudinal data, and focus more on mental health and psychological well-being. These efforts are crucial for gaining a clearer understanding of indigenous health complexities in Taiwan and informing effective policies.

This paper explores the major interactions between the transformation of swidden farming and the pursuit of rural livelihoods in the uplands of Southeast Asia. The paper draws on selected literature, workshop reflections, and six case studies to describe the causal processes and livelihood consequences of swidden change. Household-level livelihood responses have included both the intensification and 'dis-intensification' of swidden land-use, the insertion of cash crops, the redeployment of household labour, and the taking on of broader (often non-rural) livelihood aspirations and strategies. At the community level there have been emerging institutional arrangements for management of land and forests, and varying degrees of participation in or resistance to government schemes and programs. Swidden change has led to the loss and also the reassertion, realignment, and redefinition of cultures and identities, with important implications for access to resources. The impacts of these changes have been varied. Cash crops have often improved livelihoods but complete specialisation for the market increases vulnerability. Thus swidden can still provide an important safety net in the face of market fluctuations. Improved access to markets and social provision of education and health care have mostly improved the welfare of previously isolated groups. However, growing differences within and between communities in the course of swidden transformations can leave some groups marginalized and worse off. These processes of differentiation can be accentuated by heavy-handed state interventions based on swidden stereotypes. Nevertheless, communities have not passively accepted these pressures and have mobilized to protect their livelihood assets and strategies. Thus swidden farmers are not resisting appropriate and supportive forms of development. They are adopting new practices and engaging with markets, but in many situations swidden is still important to their livelihood strategies, providing resilience in the face of turbulent change. Active involvement of local people is essential in planning, implementing, monitoring and evaluating development and conservation programs in swidden lands. Positive market incentives and supportive government policies are better than standardised, top-down directives.

How is a Sephardi-Mizrahi protest in Israel interconnected with a Western fascination with “Far East” civilization? This essay introduces The Jewish Communities in the Far East (Hebrew; Jerusalem, 1982), jointly published by key Zionist Sephardi organizations. Authored by Reuben Kashani, an Afghan-born intellectual who made significant contributions to various Sephardi-Mizrahi periodicals in Israel, alongside his broader Jewish readership, the book was designed to introduce East Asian cultures to Hebrew readers. This essay delves into the broader motivations behind the writing and publication of Kashani’s 1982 book. I conclude that he aimed to challenge stereotypes and the assumption that the modernization of Asian and African Jewries necessarily requires Ashkenazi guidance, and emphasize the pioneering spirit and international engagement of these communities. In so doing Kashani also aimed to counter Ashkenazi dominance in both Zionist and Jewish historiographies, following the longer legacy of Sephardi-Mizrahi intellectual activism in the twentieth century. This approach disrupts prevailing narratives emphasizing domestic ethnic tensions in Israel, fostering a more multilayered examination of intra-Jewish hierarchies.

This paper attempts to take the first steps toward developing a theory of non-governmental organizations (NGO)–state relations under dictatorship. Drawing on evidence from East Asia, the author argues that dictatorships typically employ one of two strategies in attempting to govern NGOs. First, some dictatorships follow a corporatist strategy, in which business associations, development, and social welfare organizations are co-opted into the state and controlled through a variety of strategies. Second, other dictatorships pursue an exclusionary strategy in which NGOs are marginalized and replaced with state institutions. Variation in the strategy chosen may be explained by differing levels of elite competition and the type of development strategy. Single-party states tend to regulate elite conflicts better and thus often choose corporatist strategies. In personalist regimes dictators tend to fear the organizational and mobilizational potential of NGOs and thus tend to pursue exclusionary strategies. This choice, however, is conditioned by the development strategy employed, as socialist development strategies reduce the incentives to allow NGOs. Cet article essaie de tracer les premières étapes vers le développement d'une théorie sur les relations ONG-état sous une dictature. Apportant des preuves de l'Asie de l'Est, l'auteur prétend que les dictatures utilisent typiquement une ou deux stratégies pour tenter de gouverner les ONG. Premièrement, certaines dictatures suivent une stratégie corporatiste, dans laquelle les associations d'affaires, les organisations de développement et d'assistance sociale sont intégrées dans l'état et contrôlées grâce à une variété d'artifices. Deuxièmement, d'autres dictatures poursuivent une stratégie d'exclusion dans laquelle les ONG sont marginalisées et remplacées par des institutions de l'état. Une variation de la stratégie retenue peut s'expliquer par un différant de compétition d'élite et de type de stratégie de développement. Les états à parti unique ont tendance à mieux réguler les conflits d'élite donc à souvent choisir la stratégie corporatiste. Dans les régimes personnalistes les dictateurs craignent le potentiel d'organisation et de mobilisation des ONG et donc poursuivent des stratégies d'exclusion. Ce choix, cependant, est conditionné par la stratégie de développement utilisée, comme les stratégies socialistes de développement réduisent les motivations pour accepter les ONG. Dieser Artikel unternimmt erste Schritte, eine Theorie über die Beziehungen zwischen NGOs und Staat unter einer Diktatur zu entwickeln. Auf Beweismaterial aus Ostasien stützend, behauptet der Autor, dass Diktaturen in ihrem Bestreben NGOs zu beeinflussen, typischerweise eine von zwei Strategien anwenden. Manche Diktaturen verfolgen eine korporatistische Strategie, in der Unternehmensverbände, Entwicklungs- und Wohlfahrtsorganisationen in den Staat kooptiert und durch eine Vielfalt von Strategien kontrolliert werden. Andere Diktaturen verfolgen eine Strategie des Ausschlusses, bei der NGOs an den Rand gedrängt und von anderen staatlichen Institutionen ersetzt werden. Variationen in der gewählten Strategie können mit verschiedenen Stufen des Konkurrenzkampf innerhalb der Elite und dem Typ Entwicklungsstrategie erklärt werden. Staaten mit Einparteinensystem tendieren dazu, Konflikte der Elite besser zu regulieren und wählen deshalb oft korporatistische Strategien. In personenbezogenen Regimen neigen die Diktatoren dazu, das organisatorische und mobilisierende Potential von NGOs zu fürchten, und verfolgen deshalb Strategien des Ausschlusses. Die Wahl hängt allerdings von der angewandten Entwicklungsstrategie ab, da sozialistische Entwicklungstrategien die Anreize, NGOs zu erlauben, reduzieren. El presente trabajo trata de dar los primeros pasos hacia la formulación de una teoría de las relaciones entre las ONG y el estado bajo un régimen dictatorial. Partiendo de pruebas procedentes de Asia oriental, el autor argumenta que las dictaduras suelen emplear una de dos estrategias al intentar gestionar las ONG: en primer lugar, algunas dictaduras siguen una estrategia corporativista, en la que las asociaciones empresariales, las organizaciones de desarrollo y de servicios sociales pertenecen al estado y se controlan mediante estrategias variadas. Por otro lado, otras dictaduras persiguen una estrategia exclusivista, que margina a las ONG, sustituyéndolas por instituciones estatales. La variación en la estrategia elegida puede explicarse por los distintos niveles de la competición entre elites y el tipo de estrategia de desarrollo. Los estados de partido único tienden a regular mejor los conflictos entre las elites y por ello eligen a menudo estrategias corporativistas. En los regímenes personalistas, los dictadores suelen temer el potencial organizativo y movilizativo de las ONG y por tanto tienden a buscar estrategias exclusivistas. Esta elección, no obstante, está condicionada por la estrategia de desarrollo empleada, ya que las estrategias de desarrollo socialistas reducen los incentivos para permitir a las ONG.

How can multi-stakeholder dialogue help assess and address the roots of environmental resource competition and conflict? This article summarises the outcomes and lessons from action research in large lake systems in Uganda, Zambia, and Cambodia. Dialogues linking community groups, NGOs and government agencies have reduced local conflict, produced agreements with private investors, and influenced government priorities in ways that respond to the needs of marginalised fishing communities. The article details policy guidance in four areas: building stakeholder commitment, understanding the institutional and governance context, involving local groups in the policy reform process, and embracing adaptability in programme implementation.

Universities are undergoing a transformation in which higher learning intersects with a class of cosmopolitan elites. Certainly within South Korea, universities are launching international colleges as a way to position themselves as choice institutions that cater to elite students seeking global opportunities. Yet little work has been done to examine what happens to the students within these spaces of globality and privilege. This article reveals the interconnections between globalizing higher education and the global aspirations of Korean youth by focusing on the students who enter into an international learning space of a Korean university that itself desires global status. Not quite accepted by the other students but still considered an elite group, these individuals have to negotiate complex campus-based norms where the risk of marginalization from key social networks is magnified by the university’s pursuit of global status. Meanwhile, the university transforms into an ideological battleground and a critical site in the construction of social membership in South Korea.

The growth economies of Southeast Asia are presented by the World Bank and others as exemplars of development - 'miracle' economies to be emulated. How did the region attain such status? Are the 'other' countries of Southeast Asia able to achieve such a rapid growth? This book charts the development of Southeast Asia, examining the economies of Vietnam, Laos, Cambodia and Burma alongside the established Asian market economies. Drawing on case studies from across the region, the author assesses poverty and ways in which the poor are identified and viewed. Process and change in the rural and urban 'worlds' are examined in detail, focusing on the strengthening rural-urban interaction as 'farmers' make a living in the urban-industrial sector and factories relocate into agricultural areas. Giving prominence to indigenous notions of development, based on Buddhism, Islam and the so-called 'Asian Way', the author critically assesses the conceptual foundations of development, ideas of post-developmentalism, and the 'miracle' thesis. In the light of the experience of one of the most vibrant regions in the world, the book places emphasis on the process of modernization within wider debates of development and challenges the notion that development has been a mirage for many and a tragedy for some. 'This text should be of great value to those interested in South East Asian development in particular and development studies in general and should stimulate lively debate.' - Geographical Journal 'For the student of Southeast Asia, development studies and development geography, this book provides a wealth of knowledge and insight into the inner workings of one of the world's most interesting and challenging regions. For their teacher, the book encapsulates a series of debates which will provide almost endless material for tutorial discussions' - ASEASUK News 'This book reflects many years of careful scholarship and committed engagement with the region, and, as benefits a Southeast Asianist, a genuine and realistic appreciation of the ways in which development and modernization are appraised by the peoples of Southeast Asia.' - The Geographical Journal, 2005

Depuis le milieu des années 1990, les autorités municipales de Hanoï ont encouragé un développement urbain rapide sans impliquer les usagers. Des communautés résidentielles encloses, de hauts immeubles en bloc et de vastes centres commerciaux prolifèrent au même rythme que les nouvelles infrastructures de transport. Si ces transformations bénéficient à certains, elles confrontent d’autres à une marginalisation croissante. Sur base d’un travail de terrain à Hanoï, et inspirées par les débats sur la politique au quotidien et sur la jeunesse dans les espaces publics (postsocialistes), nous analysons la perception et la réaction de la cohorte hétérogène des jeunes face à ces changements. Préoccupés par l’augmentation de la pollution et la diminution des espaces verts, les jeunes cherchent de nouveaux espaces « pseudo-publics » pour leurs loisirs. Beaucoup se méfient des sources d’investissement pour les nouvelles infrastructures et déplorent le manque d’accès à l’information. S’ils ne disposent que de possibilités limitées pour exprimer leurs préoccupations face aux plans de développement assertifs de l’Etat, les jeunes ne sont pas passifs. Par-delà leur diversité socioéconomique, ils développent une gamme de tactiques pour manœuvrer dans les transformations et les politiques en cours. Leur parole témoigne de leur capacité d’innovation face aux scénarios urbains de l’avenir. Since the mid-1990s, municipal authorities in the Socialist Republic of Vietnam’s capital, Hanoi, have encouraged rapid urban development and expansion with little public input or feedback. Private gated communities, high-rise apartment blocks, and vast shopping malls are proliferating alongside new transportation infrastructure. While these transformations create new opportunities for some, others face increasing marginalisation and inequality. This paper draws conceptually on debates concerning youth in public spaces, youth and post-socialist cities, and everyday politics and on fieldwork in Hanoi to analyse the impacts that urban morphological changes are having on Hanoi’s heterogeneous youth cohort, and their responses. We find youth centrally concerned by rising pollution and diminishing green spaces and increasingly searching for new ‘pseudo-public’ spaces for leisure activities. Many are also suspicious of investment sources for new infrastructure and frustrated by a lack of access to accurate information. Yet, despite limited opportunities to voice concerns regarding the state’s bold development plans for the country’s capital, youth do not remain passive. While differentiating by socioeconomic class, we suggest that youth navigate current transformations and policies through a range of resourceful tactics. They are also vocal and innovative regarding future urban scenarios that they wish to see implemented.

Intensive survey and initial excavations have succeeded in pushing back the Neolithic human occupation of Cyprus to the earlier ninth millennium cal BC. Contemporary with PPNA in the Levant, and with signs of belonging to the same intellectual community, these were not marginalised foragers, but participants in the developing Neolithic project, which was therefore effectively networked over the sea.

This article examines the commercially successful multicultural film ( , Yi Han, 2011) as an example of new “enlightenment” ( ) cinema, one that—like its precedents in the South Korean Golden Age cinema of the 1950s and 1960s—supports the official government policy. While classic enlightenment films made during the Cold War era endorsed state-sanctioned narratives of anticommunism, modernization, and development, toes the line of the South Korean government’s millennial project of multiculturalism ( ). Despite its intent to create a hopeful, affirmative message of tolerance and inclusion, ironically silences the dissenting voice of a migrant bride character (played by Jasmine Lee, a Philippine-born TV personality-turned-representative in the National Assembly) who remains marginalized and peripheral in the masculine narrative wherein male bonding and mentoring reign supreme.