Explore the vast range of titles available.

Since 2003, Hong Kong has witnessed a series of large-scale protests which have constituted the core of a reinvigorated pro-democracy movement. What drove tens of thousands of citizens to the street on a yearly basis to protest? What were the social and organizational bases of the protest movement? How did media and public discourses affect the protests’ formation and mobilization? How did the protesters understand their own actions and the political environment? This book tackles such questions by using a wide range of methods, including population and protest onsite surveys, media content analysis, and in-depth interviews with activists, politicians, and protest participants. It provides an account of the \"self-mobilization processes\" behind the historic July 1, 2003 protest, and how the protest kick-started new political dynamics and discursive contestations in the public arena which not only turned a single protest into a series of collective actions constituting a movement, but also continually shaped the movement’s characteristics and influence. The book is highly pertinent to readers interested in political development in Hong Kong, and as a case study on \"the power of critical events,\" the book also has broad implications on the study of both media politics and social movements in general. 1. Introduction: From a Critical Event to Ritualistic Protests 2. Public Opinion on the Eve of Explosion 3. Organization, Communication, and Mobilization 4. The Reshaping of Public Discourse 5. Constructing the Call for Democracy 6. Contextual Changes and Strategic Responses 7. Development of the Movement Organization 8. The Social Bases of Continual Protests 9. Making Sense of Participation 10. The June 4 Connection Francis L. F. Lee is Associate Professor at the School of Journalism and Communication, Chinese University of Hong Kong. Joseph M. Chan is Professor of Journalism and Communication at the Chinese University of Hong Kong. He also served as the Changjiang Chair Professor of Journalism at Fudan University, Shanghai. The authors also co-edited Media and Politics in Post-handover Hong Kong (also published by Routledge, 2008).

Digital and social media are increasingly integrated into dynamics of protest movements. They strengthen the mobilization power of movements, extend movement networks, facilitate new modes of protest participation, and lead to the emergence of new protest formations. Meanwhile, conventional media remain an important arena where the contest for public support between protesters and their targets play out. This book examines the role of the media—understood as an integrated system composed of both conventional media institutions and digital media platforms—in the formation and dynamics of the Umbrella Movement in Hong Kong in 2014. It grounds the analysis into the broad background of the rise of protest politics in Hong Kong since the early 2000s. More important, this book connects the case of the Umbrella Movement to recent theorizations of new social movement formations. It treats the Umbrella Movement as a case where connective action intervenes into a collective action campaign, leading to an extended occupation mixing old and new protest logics. The analysis shows how the media had not only empowered the protest movements in certain ways, but also introduced forces not conducive to the sustainability and efficacy of the movement. Conventional and digital media could also be used by the state to undermine protests. Through a combination of protester surveys, population surveys, analyses of news contents, and social media activities, this book reconstructs a rich and nuanced account of the Umbrella Movement, which helps shed light on numerous issues about the media-movement nexus in the digital era.

Background The use of online and mobile internet and social media has been increasing in healthcare service delivery. However, there is limited literature on the acceptance and use of online health services for older adults with multimorbidity who require more medical care and assistance. This study aims to explore the use of social media in older adults with multimorbidity in Hong Kong primary care and to assess the feasibility and usage of online health services in this population, including satisfaction, preference, and problems encountered. Methods This is a cross-sectional study among older adults with multimorbidity conducted between November 2020 and March 2021 in a Hong Kong primary care programme. Online and face-to-face services were offered based on the needs of the participants. Demographic characteristics and health conditions were assessed at baseline. Participants using online services were invited to complete a feedback questionnaire. Results The study included 752 participants, of which 66.1% use social media every day. Participants who declined to use online services were found to be significantly older, live alone, have lower income, have social security assistance, have greater cognitive decline, and be less depressed (p < 0.05). Non-responders to the online questionnaire had fewer years of education and greater cognitive decline (p < 0.05). The median satisfaction with the online services was 8 (interquartile range: 7, 9), and 14.6% of the participants preferred online more than face-to-face services. Lower education levels, fewer internet connection issues, and more self-efficacy on mobile apps were associated with a higher level of online satisfaction after adjustment (p < 0.05). Fewer internet connection issues and more self-efficacy on mobile apps were associated with participants’ preference for online services (p < 0.05). Conclusions More than half of Hong Kong older adults with multimorbidity in primary care use social media daily. Internet connection issues can be a significant barrier to the usage of online services in this population. Prior use and training can be beneficial to enhance use and satisfaction in older adults.

Sexualized drug use (SDU; the use of any psychoactive substance before or during sexual intercourse) is prevalent among men who have sex with men (MSM) and may aggravate the worsening HIV epidemic in this key population. This observational prospective cohort study investigated factors predicting the occurrence of SDU within a 6-month follow-up period among a sample of MSM in Hong Kong. We hypothesized that perceptions related to SDU would mediate the association between the influence of social media/gay social networking apps and SDU during the follow-up period. Participants were Chinese-speaking men in Hong Kong, China who had anal intercourse with at least one man in the past year. Among 600 participants who completed the baseline telephone survey, 407 (67.8%) completed another telephone survey 6 months later. Logistic regression models and path analysis were fitted. At Month 6, 6.9% (28/407) and 4.4% (18/407) of participants reported SDU and chemsex during the follow-up period. After adjustment for significant baseline background variables (use of pre-exposure prophylaxis; history of HIV and other sexually transmitted infections; anal intercourse with nonregular male sex partners, condomless anal intercourse with men, multiple male sex partnerships, and SDU at baseline), three constructs of the Theory of Planned Behavior (TPB) were significantly associated with SDU during the follow-up period: (1) positive attitudes toward SDU (adjusted odds ratio [AOR] 1.19, 95% CI 1.05-1.36), (2) perceived support for SDU from significant others (AOR 1.15, 95% CI 1.01-1.30), and (3) perceived behavioral control of refraining from SDU (AOR 0.76, 95% CI 0.59-0.98). Exposure to information supporting SDU on social media and gay social networking apps was also significantly associated with SDU (AOR 1.11, 95% CI 1.01-1.22). Bootstrapping analyses indicated that social media influence was indirectly associated with SDU through TPB-related perceptions of SDU (β=.04; B=.002, 95% CI 0.001-0.01). Social media and gay social networking apps may be a major source of influence on MSM's perceptions and actual behaviors related to SDU.

Past studies have shown that people are less inclined to get vaccinated when healthcare providers are hesitant about the immunisation. Nurses have been documented as the most hesitant healthcare group towards COVID-19 vaccination in both Western and Chinese communities. This study investigates the perceptions of COVID-19 vaccines among nurses in a Chinese society and the reasons contributing to their high hesitancy. A qualitative descriptive approach was used, involving in-depth semi-structured interviews from September to December 2022 with 35 nurses in Hong Kong who did not receive COVID-19 vaccinations. A thematic analysis of the data was implemented in accordance with the critical medical anthropology framework. Two themes were identified: barriers to receiving COVID-19 vaccinations and the moral struggles of participants in not getting vaccinated. Participants demonstrated a lack of confidence and individual safety concerns, related to the negative information shared among their healthcare colleagues and non-healthcare workers through social media platforms. Participants revealed resistance towards the vaccination policies of the government and their workplaces, and they distrusted the commercial and profit-oriented nature of the vaccines against COVID-19. At the individual level, participants' lack of confidence and worries about vaccine safety emerged from the intertwined relationship of the negative information shared among their healthcare colleagues and non-healthcare workers through social media platforms at both the individual and micro-social levels. In addition, resistance was seen at the intermediate-social level, involving distrust of the profit-oriented nature of the capitalist operation, as well as cultural confidence in the efficacy of traditional Chinese medicine against COVID-19 infection at the macro-social level. This study suggests that addressing the agents that can affect nurses' socialisation process at different social levels according to the critical medical anthropology framework is crucial for motivating nurses' vaccine acceptance. •The participants' hesitancy in COVID-19 vaccines was related to the negative information exchange about the vaccine, embedded in their suspicion of the vaccine's profit-oriented nature and the vaccination policy.•Experiencing moral struggle was common among the participants.•Moral struggle was emanated largely from their ethical code.

This book examines the role played by political communications, including media of all kinds - journalism, television, and film - in defining and shaping identity in Greater China; China, Hong Kong, Taiwan and overseas Chinese. In the context of increasing cross-border interactions of people, investment and commercial products between the component parts of greater China, the book explores the idea that identity, rather than nation-states or political entities, may be the key factor in achieving further integration in Greater China. The book focuses on the ways in which identity is communicated, and shows how communication of identity within and between the component parts of greater China plays a central role in bringing about integration. Gary D. Rawnsley is Senior Lecturer in Politics and Director of the Institute of Asia-Pacific Studies, University of Nottingham, UK. He has published widely on international communications and the politics of Taiwan. Ming-Yeh T. Rawnsley is Associate Research Fellow, Institute of Asia-Pacific Studies, University of Nottingham, UK. Her research interests include media, democratisation and identity issues.

Hong Kong cinema had always been transnational: winning popularity and influence in Soudieast Asia; borrowing filmmakers, technology, and natural scenery from Japan and other neighboring countries; circulating into Anglophone markets via action genres; and raising its international image by participating in international film festivals.2 Hong Kong cinema might be described as transnational, but the \"national\" is not applicable to this cinema in any direct sense. In the early 1930s, when sound was first introduced to Chinese cinema, filmmakers in Shanghai and Hong Kong were already debating the issue of China's national film language.7 In the name of language unification, the Republican government implemented a vague policy prohibiting the screening of any film using dialect, but it lacked the capacity to enforce it in the relatively autonomous Guangdong Province.8 Then in 1 949, the PRC central government mandated the use of Putonghua in the mass media, and this time Guangdong was no exception.