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\"Historian Robert Merry resurrects the presidential reputation of William McKinley, which loses out to the brilliant and flamboyant Theodore Roosevelt who succeeded him after his assassination. He portrays McKinley as a chief executive of consequence whose low place in the presidential rankings does not reflect his enduring accomplishments and the stamp he put on the country's future role in the world\"-- Provided by publisher.

For a decade straddling the turn of the twentieth century, Mark Hanna was one of the most famous men in America. Portrayed as the puppet master controlling the weak-willed William McKinley, Hanna was loved by most Republicans and reviled by Democrats, in large part because of the way he was portrayed by the media of the day. Newspapers and other media outlets that supported McKinley reported positively about Hanna, but those sympathetic to William Jennings Bryan, the Democrats' presidential nominee in 1896 and 1900, attacked Hanna far more aggressively than they attacked McKinley himself. Their portrayal of Hanna was wrong, but powerful, and this negative image of him survives to this day.In this study of Mark Hanna's career in presidential politics,William T. Hornerdemonstrates the flaws inherent in the ways the news media cover politics. He deconstructs the myths that surround Hanna and demonstrates the dangerous and long-lasting effect that inaccurate reporting can have on our understanding of politics. When Karl Rove emerged as the political adviser to George W. Bush's presidential campaigns, the reporters quickly began to compare Rove to Hanna even a century after Hanna's death. The two men played vastly different roles for the presidents they served, but modern reporters consistently described Rove as the second coming of Mark Hanna, another political Svengali.Ohio's Kingmakeris the story of a fascinating character in American politics and serves to remind us of the power of (mis)perceptions.

Découvrez enfin tout ce qu'il faut savoir sur William McKinley en moins d'une heure! 25e président des États-Unis, William McKinley est aujourd'hui relativement peu connu du grand public. Or, c'est lui qui, dès 1896, rétablit l'économie nationale, sortant le pays de son isolement et ouvrant la voie à un expansionnisme qui s'avérera indispensable. Pour les États-Unis, c'est une nouvelle ère qui commence. Ce livre vous permettra d'en savoir plus sur: • La vie du président • Le contexte politique et social de l'époque • Les temps forts de son action politique • Les répercussions de ses mandats Le mot de l'éditeur: « Dans ce numéro de la collection « 50MINUTES|Grands Présidents », Quentin Convard nous présente la vie tragique de William McKinley. Parvenu au faîte de sa gloire après avoir fait sortir son pays de la crise économique tout en le faisant entrer dans l'ère de l'expansionnisme, il est assassiné par un anarchiste peu après sa réélection. Il finira pendant plusieurs dizaines d'années parmi les grands oubliés de l'histoire suite à la flamboyante présidence de son successeur, Theodore Roosevelt. » Stéphanie DagrainÀ PROPOS DE LA SÉRIE 50MINUTES | Grands Présidents La série « Grands Présidents » de la collection « 50MINUTES » présente plus de cinquante hommes politiques qui ont marqué l'histoire. Chaque livre a été pensé pour les lecteurs curieux qui veulent faire le tour d'un sujet précis, tout en allant à l'essentiel, et ce en moins d'une heure. Nos auteurs combinent les faits historiques, les analyses et les nouvelles perspectives pour rendre accessibles des siècles d'histoire.

This biography, focused on McKinley's unusual view of protectionism, a labor-business alliance, and American exceptionalism, offers striking parallels to today as the US struggles to define its international role and to determine the best blend of free trade, protectionism, and immigration. William McKinley was the first US president to address globalization; his legacy in protectionism and immigrant labor offer lessons for the current era. He orchestrated an alliance between big business and the American worker that ushered in one of the greatest periods of growth ever known in the US economy. Yet McKinley has been in the shadow of his successor Theodore Roosevelt for over a hundred years. As Chairman of the Ways and Means Committee, McKinley had forged a tariff bill in 1888 that united a nation that was still divided between North and South, East and West. His continued efforts to support free trade, protected by managed markets in the tradition of Henry Clay, and worker benefits like those provide by George Westinghouse, led to a great economic compromise. Further, with revolutionary, visionary rhetoric laden with America's economic manifest destiny he appealed to everyone from the steelworkers of Pittsburgh to the New York bankers. He articulated a uniting philosophy: Free trade in the United States is founded upon a community of equalities and reciprocities...[F]ree foreign trade admits the foreigner to equal privileges with our citizens. It invites the product of foreign cheap labor to this market in competition with the domestic, representing better paid labor [albeit with tariffs to protect that domestic product]. McKinley's vision built the industrial base of the nation. By the end of his presidency the American steel, glass, rubber, oil, machinery and electrical appliance industries dominated the world. He was one of America's most popular presidents. As his funeral train crossed the nation in 1901, factory workers and captains of industry alike stood along the rails to mourn him. Never since has such a political alliance between labor and management been forged. He was the last president to build a voting alliance between laborers, immigrant workers, and capitalists. That alliance was marred by famous labor strikes and the building of great trusts, yet he still managed to sweep the labor votes in the great industrial centers due to his belief in reciprocity and protectionism. McKinley's role as a dinner pail Republican offers insights into how America can approach today's globalization with the best interests of the home team in mind.

The Philippine-American War from 1899 to 1913, which has long been misnamed as the Philippine Insurrection in United States (U.S.) history textbooks, is a major yet little-known event. Both American and Filipino scholars have described it as a genocide that killed more than a million Filipinos between 1819-1913 (Francisco, 1973; Pomeroy, 1970; San Juan, Jr., 2007; Tan, 2002; Zinn, 1980). According to Clem (2016), it is a genocide that remains unacknowledged today and predates the first officially recognized genocide of the 20th century, the Armenian Genocide in 1915. It is theorized that the consequences of this war-the U.S. colonization of the Philippines-has contributed to the development of colonial mentality among Filipinos and Filipino Americans. Defined as a form of internalized oppression, colonial mentality is a multidimensional psychological construct that is a specific consequence of colonialism and characterized by a perception of ethnic and cultural inferiority (David et al., 2006; David et al., 2010; David et. Al., 2013; David, 2013; David, 2017). One of the overt dimensions of colonial mentality is Filipino colorism: the belief that white skin is superior to dark skin. Today, 123 years since this war began, Filipino colorism remains ubiquitous in the Philippines, as evidenced by the continued success of the skin whitening industry and skin whitening advertisements (Hardon, 2021; Mendoza, 2014; Singson, 2017). Using critical discourse analysis (Fairclough, 1995; Mullet, 2018) and Rank's (1974) Intensify/Downplay doublespeak framework, this article examines texts and political cartoons about the Philippine-American War, tracing one of the roots of modern Filipino colorism. Implications for educators and suggestions for further research are discussed.

\"A finely written and deeply researched book.It adds a major dimension to McKinley's life and times and will interest all students of the Civil War as well.\" --H.Wayne Morgan, author of  William McKinley and His America (Kent State University Press, 2003) \"The Civil War was a crucial experience in shaping the character and political life of.

\"5 Rather than viewing the anti-imperialist movement at the macro level- a national or even international movement with a diverse membership-this article examines the movement at the micro level by focusing on anti-imperialist sentiment among whites in one southern state: Because post-Reconstruction southern politics hinged on control of the state government, it is at the state level that the politics of anti-imperialism is best examined. Virginia, in particular, offers a compelling example because the white Democrats who had recently taken back power in the state were in the midst of planning a constitutional convention to overturn Reconstruction-era laws, especially voting rights for Black men. \"7 In the antebellum era, slaveholding white southerners had controlled the departments of state, war, and navy in order to craft a \"foreign policy of slavery,\" as historian Matthew Karp calls it. Unlike Republicans who opposed imperialism, these southern Democrats needed no separate organization to advance their anti-imperialist agenda. Because their party opposed President William McKinley's decision to annex the Philippines, most southern Democrats had little reason to join an organization like the Anti-Imperialist League.8 Historians continue to debate the extent to which the Spanish-American War helped complete the process of post-Civil War sectional reconciliation.

Historians have long been intrigued by the role that the press played in McKinley’s decision to intervene in Cuba in 1898. Most, however, have focused their attention on the decade of the 1890s, ignoring the long history of interventionism aimed at Cuba. This essay uses the story of William L. Crittenden to explore the many instances where interventionists tried (and failed) to drum up support for Cuban intervention. Crittenden was executed by the Spanish in 1851 after a failed filibuster raid. Over the next four decades, interventionists wrote newspaper accounts, held boisterous public meetings, penned poems, and published novels that demanded revenge upon Spain. Yet Millard Fillmore, Franklin Pierce, James Buchanan, Ulysses Grant, and Grover Cleveland did not choose to intervene. By focusing on nearly five decades as opposed to a single year, this essay calls into question the idea that the press reflected public opinion and challenges the larger assertion that the “Yellow Press” propelled the United States into a war with Spain. Whether they shouted “Remember the Maine,” “Remember the Virginius,” or “Remember Crittenden,” writers, editors, poets, and journalists simply did not have the power to control public opinion and certainly did not prove to be successful at manipulating presidents to intervene.

Among McBurney's other scientific contributions are the treatment of pyloric stenosis, management of shoulder dislocation with a humeral fracture, and treatment of gallstone disease.11, 12 McBurney's article \"Removal of biliary calculi from the common duct by the duodenal route\" had great influence on the approach to extraction of a common bile duct stone, describing a sphincterotomy instead of anterior choledochotomy, avoiding the need for a direct incision of the common bile duct.13 McBurney was also a strong advocate of aseptic technique, taking after Halsted's lead at the Johns Hopkins Hospital. Hailed as one of the most skilled American surgeons of the time, McBurney was summoned to Buffalo, New York, to oversee the postoperative recovery of U.S. President William McKinley after he was shot on September 6, 1901.17 He was also deeply involved in medical societies both nationally and internationally, contributing actively to the New York Academy of Medicine, the Surgical Society of Paris, and the Medical and Surgical Societies of both Rome and Constantinople.4 His contributions to medicine have not been unrecognized. After his retirement, McBurney retreated to his favorite Massachusetts town, Stockbridge, with his wife, where he spent many years of leisure playing golf, fishing, and delighting in his home among the hills.2, 18 Even so, he was actively engaged as the President of Stockbridge Golf Club and as Chairman of the Committee for the Purification of Housatonic River.