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Global Health for All trains a critical lens on global health to share the stories that global health’s practices and logics tell about 20th and 21st century configurations of science and power. An ethnography on multiple scales, the book focuses on global health’s key epistemic and therapeutic practices like localization, measurement, triage, markets, technology, care, and regulation. Its roving approach traverses policy centers, sites of intervention, and innumerable spaces in between to consider what happens when globalized logics, circulations, and actors work to imagine, modify, and manage health. By resting in these in-between places, Global Health for All simultaneously examines global health as a coherent system and as a dynamic, unpredictable collection of modular parts.

Background The disasters at Seveso, Three Mile Island, Bhopal, Chernobyl, the World Trade Center (WTC) and Fukushima had historic health and economic sequelae for large populations of workers, responders and community members. Methods Comparative data from these events were collected to derive indications for future preparedness. Information from the primary sources and a literature review addressed: i) exposure assessment; ii) exposed populations; iii) health surveillance; iv) follow-up and research outputs; v) observed physical and mental health effects; vi) treatment and benefits; and vii) outreach activities. Results Exposure assessment was conducted in Seveso, Chernobyl and Fukushima, although none benefited from a timely or systematic strategy, yielding immediate and sequential measurements after the disaster. Identification of exposed subjects was overall underestimated. Health surveillance, treatment and follow-up research were implemented in Seveso, Chernobyl, Fukushima, and at the WTC, mostly focusing on the workers and responders, and to a lesser extent on residents. Exposure-related physical and mental health consequences were identified, indicating the need for a long-term health care of the affected populations. Fukushima has generated the largest scientific output so far, followed by the WTCHP and Chernobyl. Benefits programs and active outreach figured prominently in only the WTC Health Program. The analysis of these programs yielded the following lessons: 1) Know who was there; 2) Have public health input to the disaster response; 3) Collect health and needs data rapidly; 4) Take care of the affected; 5) Emergency preparedness; 6) Data driven, needs assessment, advocacy. Conclusions Given the long-lasting health consequences of natural and man-made disasters, health surveillance and treatment programs are critical for management of health conditions, and emergency preparedness plans are needed to prevent or minimize the impact of future threats.

The 1918 influenza pandemic had not only a massive instant death toll but also lasting effects on its survivors. Several studies have shown that children born in 1919, and thus exposed to the H1N1 virus in utero, experienced worse health and socioeconomic outcomes in older ages than surrounding birth cohorts. This study combines several sources of contemporary statistics with full-population individual-level data for Sweden during 1968—2012 to examine the influence of fetal exposure to the Spanish flu on health, adulthood income, and occupational attainment. For both men and women, fetal exposure resulted in higher morbidity in ages 54-87, as measured by hospitalization. For males, exposure during the second trimester also affected mortality in cancer and heart disease. Overall, the effects on all-cause mortality were modest, with about three months shorter remaining life expectancy for the cohorts exposed during the second trimester. For socioeconomic outcomes, results fail to provide consistent evidence supporting any long-term consequences of fetal exposure. We conclude that although the immediate health effects of exposure to the 1918 pandemic were huge, the long-term effects were modest in size.

Background This study explores recent cohort trends in cognitive performance among older Europeans from 2007 to 2017, addressing three key questions: (1) Did cognitive performance improve universally and across the performance distribution during this period? (2) Did these improvements occur across educational levels and for both men and women? (3) Can established risk factors explain these performance gains? Methods Using data from the Survey of Health, Ageing and Retirement in Europe (SHARE) across 12 European countries, we assessed immediate recall, delayed recall, and verbal fluency in individuals aged 60 to 94 in both 2007 and 2017 ( n  = 32 773). Differences between the two time points were estimated with linear mixed effects regression models and quantile regression. Results Cognitive performance improved in all age groups, across educational levels, and for both men and women between 2007 and 2017. Notably, improvements were more pronounced at the upper end of the performance distribution for delayed recall and verbal fluency. Education explained approximately 20% of the observed improvements. Risk factors did not explain the observed improvements. Conclusions European cohorts of both younger-old and older adults continue to exhibit improvements in cognitive performance. Variation in the size of the cohort improvements across the performance distributions in delayed recall and in verbal fluency may contribute to growing inequalities in cognitive outcomes. Future research should further investigate the potential heterogeneity in cognitive performance gains. Trial registration Not applicable.

Objectives. We determined the impact of premigration circumstances on postmigration psychological distress and self-rated physical health among Latino immigrants. Methods. We estimated ordinary least squares and logistic regression models for Latino immigrants in the 2002–2003 National Latino and Asian American Study (n = 1603). Results. Mean psychological distress scores (range = 10–50) were 14.8 for women and 12.7 for men; 35% of women and 27% of men reported fair or poor physical health. A third of the sample reported having to migrate; up to 46% reported unplanned migration. In multivariate analyses, immigration-related stress was significantly associated with psychological distress, but not with self-rated health, for both Latino men and women. Having to migrate was associated with increased psychological distress for Puerto Rican and Cuban women respondents and with poorer physical health for Puerto Rican migrant men. Unplanned migration was significantly associated with poorer physical health for all Latina women respondents. Conclusions. The context of both pre- and postmigration has an impact on immigrant health. Those involved in public health research, policy, and practice should consider variation in immigrant health by migration circumstances, including the context of exit and other immigration-related stressors.

The AIDS crisis of the 1980s looms large in recent histories of sexuality, medicine, and politics, and justly so-an unknown virus without a cure ravages an already persecuted minority, medical professionals are unprepared and sometimes unwilling to care for the sick, and a national health bureaucracy is slow to invest resources in finding a cure. Yet this widely accepted narrative, while accurate, creates the impression that the gay community lacked any capacity to address AIDS. In fact, as Katie Batza demonstrates in this path-breaking book, there was already a well-developed network of gay-health clinics in American cities when the epidemic struck, and these clinics served as the first responders to the disease. Before AIDS explores this heretofore unrecognized story, chronicling the development of a national gay health network by highlighting the origins of longstanding gay health institutions in Boston, Chicago, and Los Angeles, placing them in a larger political context, and following them into the first five years of the AIDS crisis. Like many other minority communities in the 1970s, gay men faced public health challenges that resulted as much from their political marginalization and social stigmatization as from any disease. Gay men mistrusted mainstream health institutions, fearing outing, ostracism, misdiagnosis, and the possibility that their sexuality itself would be treated as a medical condition. In response to these problems, a colorful cast of doctors and activists built a largely self-sufficient gay medical system that challenged, collaborated with, and educated mainstream health practitioners. Taking inspiration from rhetoric employed by the Black Panther, feminist, and anti-urban renewal movements, and putting government funding to new and often unintended uses, gay health activists of the 1970s changed the medical and political understandings of sexuality and health to reflect the new realities of their own sexual revolution.

Forty years after the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention's (CDC's)June 1981 Morbidity and Mortality Weekly Report about five gay men with a syndrome that came to be called AIDS, both the impact of HIV and the legal landscape in the United States for the most affected population have changed dramatically. The CDC's HIV surveillance reports show that, throughout the epidemic, MSM have constituted the majority of annual and prevalent cases, and the burden on racial or ethnic minority MSM has increased disproportionately since the early 1990s. It is timely to reflect on the intertwining of HIV, laws, stigma, and inequity in the United States and their intersection with the lives of gay and bisexual men (both cisgender and transgender). Since its beginnings, the US legal framework defined homosexual sex or relationships as criminal, inferior, aberrant, and worthy of discrimination.2 Throughout most of the 20th century, sexual stigma kept homosexual and bisexual persons hidden and legitimized their abuse, but this stigma began to be challenged in the 1970s, after the Stonewall riots and the removal of homosexuality from the psychiatric manual of mental disorders.2,3Whenthe AIDS crisis rapidly emerged, government action was slow and muted partly because of broad stigma against who was most affected.4 Despite growing resistance to and activism against society's stigmatization of sexual minorities, HIV emerged in a bleak legal environment of widespread prejudice and discrimination reflected by individuals and most of society's institutions.2,5 In the 1980s, almost 20 states, many in the South, still had sodomy laws on the books that criminalized sex between members of the same sex or all nonprocreative sex.5 In 1986, in Bowers v. Hardwick (478 US 186), the Supreme Court reinforced stigma when it narrowly upheld the right of Georgia to enforce a sodomy law that prohibited homosexual conduct, even when it occurred in a private home.5 Although seldom enforced, sodomy laws often were used to justify discrimination in other laws and institutions.5Thus, as HIV took hold in the United States, same-sex behaviors and relationships had no legal protections, gay parents often lost their parental rights during divorce, violence and victimization was too common, and, in almost all circumstances, discrimination was legal in employment (including the military), housing, and social services.2,5 In addition, during HIV's first decade, intense fear and stigma led to new HIVspecific criminal laws. States with Medicaid expansion (approximately 38 in 2019) show large increases in insurance coverage, diagnoses and ongoing treatment of chronic conditions, and HIV testing.11 Similarly, a recent study found that MSM in expansion states were more likely to have insurance (87.9% vs 71.6%), have Medicaid (21.3% vs 3.8%), discuss pre-exposure prophylaxis with a provider (58.8% vs 44.3%), and use pre-exposure prophylaxis (31.1% vs 17.5%).12 Over the past decade, public health has increased its focus on addressing stigma and the social determinants of health to improve disparities in HIV care and prevention and among gay and bisexual men.

In the twentieth century, the Irish-born population in England has typically been in worse health than both the native population and the Irish population in Ireland, a reversal of the commonly observed healthy migrant effect. Recent birth cohorts living in England and born in Ireland, however, are healthier than the English population. The substantial Irish migrant health penalty arises principally for cohorts born between 1920 and 1960. In this article, we attempt to understand the processes that generated these changing migrant health patterns for Irish migrants to England. Our results suggest a strong role for economic selection in driving the dynamics of health differences between Irish-born migrants and white English populations.

The stark incongruence between the reality of African Americans' emancipation and their bleak lived experiences could have been considered a major contributing factor to their allegedly declining mental health had psychiatric professionals been working with a way of classifying disease that recognized the compounding harms of white supremacy. \"First one got mad and was deranged a while,\" it says. [...]one got mad at being called burr head, jumped up and down time after a time, hollering and swearing.\" During the closing decades of the nineteenth century, eugenic solutions to questions of mental disability were especially welcomed and found a home within numerous political camps, especially in a state like Virginia, which clung to its reputation as an authority in the treatment of mentally disabled African Americans.

Scientific interest in the measurement of homophobia and internalized homophobia has grown over the past 30 years, and new instruments and terms have emerged. To help researchers with the challenging task of identifying appropriate measures for studies in sexual-minority health, we reviewed measures of homophobia published in the academic literature from 1970 to 2012. Instruments that measured attitudes toward male homosexuals/homosexuality or measured homosexuals' internalized attitudes toward homosexuality were identified using measurement manuals and a systematic review. A total of 23 instruments met criteria for inclusion, and their features were summarized and compared. All 23 instruments met minimal criteria for adequate scale construction, including scale development, sampling, reliability, and evidence of validity. Validity evidence was diverse and was categorized as interaction with gay men, HIV/AIDS variables, mental health, and conservative religious or political beliefs. Homophobia was additionally correlated with authoritarianism and bias, gender ideology, gender differences, and reactions to homosexual stimuli. Internalized homophobia was validated by examining relationships with disclosing one's homosexuality and level of homosexual identity development. We hope this review will make the process of instrument selection more efficient by allowing researchers to easily locate, evaluate, and choose the proper measure based on their research question and population of interest.