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As more and more species fall under the threat of extinction, humans are not only taking action to protect critical habitats but are also engaging more directly with species to help mitigate their decline. Through innovative infrastructure design and by changing how we live, humans are becoming more attuned to nonhuman animals and are making efforts to live alongside them. Examining sites of loss, temporal orientations, and infrastructural mitigations, Nestwork blends rhetorical and posthuman sensibilities in service of the ecological care. In this innovative ethnographic study, rhetorician Jennifer Clary-Lemon examines human-nonhuman animal interactions, identifying forms of communication between species and within their material world. Looking in particular at nonhuman species that depend on human development for their habitat, Clary-Lemon examines the cases of the barn swallow, chimney swift, and bobolink. She studies their habitats along with the unique mitigation efforts taken by humans to maintain those habitats, including building “barn swallow gazebos” and artificial chimneys and altering farming practices to allow for nesting and breeding. What she reveals are fascinating forms of rhetoric not expressed through language but circulating between species and materials objects. Nestwork explores what are in essence nonlinguistic and decidedly nonhuman arguments within these local environments. Drawing on new materialist and Indigenous ontologies, the book helps attune our senses to the tragedy of species decline and to a new understanding of home and homemaking.

Another long-term project undertaken is a follow-on to the poetry workshops. So much interest was generated by the workshops we felt it imperative that we continue working with the poets of the group. The young men were asked if they would like to create an anthology of their poetry to be published by the Alternatives Library. The response was one of excitement and immediate offers of poetry. Since I am at the facility on a regular basis, I became the project poetry collector. The poetry collection and the computer text entry took about six months. Then a local computer designer 3 volunteered to lay out the whole project and prepare it for a printer. In the meantime, one of the residents finished the cover art. Once we had copy that was satisfactory to the artist, writers and to us, we sent the disk and hard copy to our printer and had the proofs back in two weeks. It looked good, so we went to press. In another two weeks we had 500 copies of our book, Inside Coming Out: Incarcerated Youth Express Their Feelings. But we weren't finished yet. In spite of having gone over every page of the manuscript, we missed some last names that had not been changed to initials only, and that's a no-no. Because the records of juvenile offenders are not available to the public, and the names are protected, before distributing the books to the contributors and letting them out to the public, the administrative staff had to go through every book and black out any reference to last names. By early summer, all participants in the project had been given five books and the rest are being offered as thanks to anyone donating to the project. The money is put in a special account and is used to continue the writing program. We started the second book on 9/11.

Soon after the new year, in January of 2002, Anthony, Harmony, and a small group of other young people began aggressive distribution of our magazineMuzineoutside of high schools, at youth organizations, and at events.Muzinewas Broad Street Studio’s outside equivalent toHidden TREWTHand wasn’t subject to the administrative regulations of the Training School. Anthony, Harmony, and I had built it from the bottom up, from collecting articles and poems at local schools, to finding advertisers, to conducting interviews. Through AS220 we even found an old anarchist printer who trained us to help out with the printing.

I would like to be able to conclude with a clear public-policy agenda, a concise statement outlining what can be done to break the cycle of young men’s crime and incarceration. This same desire to tie up loose ends is perhaps what motivated me to spend the last several months of my time in Rhode Island working as a consultant for the state’s Department of Children, Youth, and Families. The Training School had been in legal trouble with the state for over twenty years, but juvenile justice reform was finally on the state’s agenda. With my colleague at Broad Street

It was common for children to be regarded as women's accomplices. [Elihu B. Washburne], for instance, announced that \"whenever it was possible, the pétroleuse, who was to receive ten francs for every ten houses burnt, would find some little boy or girl whom she would take by the hand and to whom she would give a bottle of the incendiary liquid, with instructions to scatter it in certain places.\"(26) Children who were deemed suspicious-looking, like women, were arrested and executed. Residents and journalists reported seeing the bodies of dead children as well as child prisoners. Washburne and Colonel Wickham Hoffman reported the deaths of six or eight children (their accounts vary), the eldest \"apparently not over fourteen,\" who were \"caught\" carrying petroleum in the Avenue d'Autin.(27) Georges Renard remembered seeing a row of bodies of women and children lined up along the wall of the Collège de France.(28) Edmund de Goncourt recorded in his diary on May 26, that he had seen \"a band of frightful street urchins and incendiary hooligans\" who were being held in the train station at Passy.(29) And on May 28, [M. Chastel] reported that he had seen a large number of prisoners among whom were \"women and children, who sometimes were obliged to run to keep up with the rest, or they would have been trampled on by the horses.\"(30) Fascinated rather than repelled by the women who passed through the streets of Paris as prisoners, the men who observed them frequently contrasted their behavior with that of their male comrades. Edmund de Goncourt reported that none of the arrested women whom he saw had the same \"apathetic resignation\" as the men. \"There is,\" he wrote, \"anger and irony on their faces. Many of them have the eyes of mad women.\"(40) Le Figaro reported on June 1 that the women and children in the convoys of prisoners \"marched with a hardier step than the men... The men are more solemn and seem to be asking themselves if it would not have been better to think before serving against their brothers in the army...\"(41) The Times correspondent, reflecting back on the fighting, reported that \"more courageous than the men, the women show fight to the last moment, and meet their death, according to the accounts of those who have witnessed their executions, with an undaunted courage.\"(42) The punishment meted out to the women had a sexual dimension that was absent in the treatment of the men, however. Several correspondents reported that the women were stripped (to what extent is not clear in the reports) before they were executed. On Friday, May 26, the Times's correspondent reported that thirteen women, \"caught in the act of spreading petroleum,\" had been executed \"after being publicly disgraced in the Place Vendôme.\" Although it is not possible to tell what form this humiliation took, quite likely it involved at least the ripping of the women's bodices to reveal their breasts, as indicated by Child's earlier quotation. Goncourt reported that some of the women he saw were concealed behind veils until a \"noncommissioned officer touched one of the veils with a cruel and brutal flick of his whip\" and demanded, \"'Come on, off with your veils. Let's see your hussy faces (vos visages de coquines)!'\"(47) For male prisoners, punishment included the turning of their uniform jackets (if they wore one) inside out, a form of humiliation that lacked the sexual denigration imposed upon the women.

In his best-selling bookA Is for Ox: The Collapse of Literacy and the Rise of Violence in an Electronic Age(1995), Barry Sanders warns that because of television, video games, and other mass media that allegedly compromise our growth from orality into literacy, the self is “falling away entirely from the human repertoire” (xi).¹ Orality and literacy, he argues, are both necessary for selfhood; lack or attenuation of either spells disaster. In illustration, Sanders points to the case of a feral boy, the nineteenth-century German wild child Kaspar Hauser². Confined in a cell and deprived of a normal childhood,

The earliest issues ofHidden TREWTHdidn’t receive much attention from the Training School staff or administration. Maybe they didn’t read it. Or maybe they assumed that, given many programs’ short runs at the facility,Hidden TREWTHwasn’t worth complaining about. Some of residents’ boldest critiques of the juvenile correctional system and most profane language, then, were met with silence. This silence broke during our fourth issue, in January of 2002. Under a pseudonym, Richard had written a very short and simple piece titled, “Why,” in which he asked, “Why do we get treated like we do while we’re in

“In an era where morals are undergoing a major upset, when actions which used to be kept under wraps are brought out into the open, ‘The Babysitter’ is daring and current as next week’s news,” read the publicity material for the hot new movieThe Babysitter(1969).¹ The sexually provocative film about a liaison between a babysitter and her middle-aged boss featured Candy, who represented the “sexually active girl”—at least as adult males in the 1960s imagined her. Exaggerated fantasies about female adolescent sexuality in movies like this expressed new erotic possibilities for American men excited by the sexual