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(Az skoro násilnou snahu propasovat ldiometrii, která má mimochodem vlivnou oporu ve vlastním casopisu, do tradicních i netradicních odvétví vyzkumu, bylo mozno zaznamenat napríklad v sekci Cliometric Perspektives to the Study of World Wars anebo v sekci Madison Project: measuring economic performance across time and space). Legacy andfuture strategy (na mnoha pfíkladech se zde fesil vëcnÿ problém mezi soukromokapitalistickÿm pojetím podnikání a státním vlastnictvím a státním intervencionismem), dále pak Ecomomic history textbooks in cornparatice perspective, Mercantilism and cameralism, Premodern and modern energy transition, New perspectives on the economic Impact of canals and railways anebo sekci nazvanou From fragmented societies to the Welfare state. Cestí historici se prezentovali predevsím v sekci Diversity and Changes in Role of the Economic Elites in Politics in the 19th and 20th Centuries (Andrea Pokludová, Milan Hlavaëka),2 The Quantitative Economic History of Central, East and South-East Europe (Tomás Cvrcek), Costs and Econimic Return to Higher Education: Competing Models in Historical Perspective (Stanislav Holubec), Feudalism and the market (Roman Zaoral) anebo War and Economy (Petr Vorel). Antonie Dolezalová: Theoretical introduction, Franz Adlgasser: Bankers, Industrialists and Lobbyists: Economic Elites in the Austrian Parliament, 1861-1918, Milan Hlavacka: Family businesses and their anchorages in Central European society in the 19th century (the example companies Ringhoffer, Lanna, Klein and Lederer), Andrea Pokludová: The Development and Role of new Elites in the Era of Modernization.

Abstract Adulthood is often associated with hard work, in contrast to childhood and later life, which are associated with play, education, and leisure. Yet the work-fixated sense of adulthood is about more than just age norms. Like any such ethos, it is situated in socioeconomic history. Workers are forced to work hard, the work ethic framing their exploitation within an aura of moral righteousness. According to Weber the normative weight commonly associated with 'hard work' derives from the advent of Protestantism in the late middle ages. Weber says that this new worldview birthed the 'spirit of capitalism,' and set the stage for the modern world to take shape. In the seventeenth century-hence roughly coinciding with mercantilism and the Reformation-was the invention of the modern concept of childhood, i.e. the radical division of childhood from adulthood. This period also inaugurated the European Enlightenment, where reason was elevated as a supremely honorable aspect of humanity, in many ways as a new source of this-worldly pseudo-salvation. 'Adulthood' was infused with these values-the ideal [male] adult is rational, responsible, hard-working, self-sufficient, and financially secure. It was adulthood, more than and in contrast to other times of life (e.g., childhood and later life), that absorbed and normalized the new economic and cultural trends. The moral elevation of hard work, combined with the greater demarcation of adulthood in contrast to childhood and later life, set up children and older adults to take on a status of moral inferiority due to their exclusion from the working world.

This thesis discusses Indonesia's efforts in dealing with allegations of dumping Indonesian paper products from the South Korean government. The lengthy process of negotiations and negotiations between the two countries is an obstacle in the process of settling trade disputes that occur. In this matter, Indonesia and South Korea conduct negotiations to resolve the problem of imposition of Anti-Dumping Import Duty (BMAD) for Indonesian paper products under the supervision of the authorized body of the WTO, namely the Disputes Settlement Body (DSB). The negotiations proposed by Indonesia as the claimant country to South Korea are a form of trade dispute settlement through a diplomatic mechanism. Through diplomatic steps, trade problems that occur between the two countries can be resolved concretely and peacefully. However, after the trial was running and the DSB had issued its results by winning Indonesia, both the Korea Trade Commission (KTC) and the South Korean government were reluctant to apply the results of the DSB panel session decisions. Therefore, Indonesia is trying to uphold the results of the DSB WTO panel decision through diplomacy. First, diplomacy is carried out by involving state actors directly, namely the Indonesian government. Both diplomatic efforts were carried out by Indonesian business actors in a cooperative manner at the time the KTC investigation was conducted. Indonesia is trying to uphold the results of the DSB WTO panel decision through diplomacy. First, diplomacy is carried out by involving state actors directly, namely the Indonesian government. Both diplomatic efforts were carried out by Indonesian business actors in a cooperative manner at the time the KTC investigation was conducted. Indonesia is trying to uphold the results of the DSB WTO panel decision through diplomacy. First, diplomacy is carried out by involving state actors directly, namely the Indonesian government. Both diplomatic efforts were carried out by Indonesian business actors in a cooperative manner at the time the KTC investigation was conducted. This thesis aims to describe the efforts and steps to resolve the allegation of dumping on Indonesian paper products by the South Korean government through KTC. Explain the chronology of the problem of accusations of dumping Indonesian paper products and the determination of dumping losses by the WTO. Then analyze how the efforts to resolve the problems made by the government and Indonesian businessmen in trying to implement the results of the WTO DSB panel session decisions through diplomacy.

The Paper starts with an Introduction section, which proceeds with a section dedicated to Literature Review. The following section looks at the selected trade wars in a historical context. The rise of mercantilism, the role of colonies, imperialism, freer trade, protectionism, the impact of tariffs and other mercantilist, and its offshoot, neomercantilist, policies on relations between nations were briefly summarized with reference to selected examples. These examples included the Navigation Acts, the Boston Tea Party, the Opium Wars, the Cobden-Chevalier Commerce Treaty, the Méline Tariff, the American System, the Fordney-McCumber Tariff, the Smoot-Hawley Tariff Act, and the banana wars. Examples were selected based on their historical significance and role in shaping international trade. Its focus is mainly on the mercantilist trade policies carried out by two hegemonic powers, ie Britain and the United States, which used these policies dexteriously when they were rising to their hegemonic positions during the period under investigation. The Paper ends with the Conclusion section, which draws attention to the possible lessons from these historical examples to the 21st century’s statesmen and policymakers for their intended trade wars.

Mercantilism has been an important organizing concept not only for Atlantic and early American history but for the disciplines of sociology, economics, and political science as well. What do scholars mean by mercantilism? This article demonstrates that while there are a variety of definitions, most include two concepts. Most scholars argue that before the era of free trade there was a widespread consensus about economic goals. And, second, they contend that all mercantilists insist on the finite nature of the world’s wealth. Atlantic historians and early American historians have by and large maintained that because there was a mercantilist consensus in Europe the differences among empires had to do with the different endowments that the Europeans encountered on the periphery. They have also suggested that deviance from mercantilist goals must have derived from the structural weakness of early modern states. The British Empire in particular, we are told, was incapable of enforcing its mercantilist economic legislation. Against these claims, I suggest that there was a lively debate within the British Empire in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries about political economic issues. Far from accepting the finite nature of wealth, many Britons argued that property was based on human labor and that therefore there was the possibility for limitless economic growth. Because there was no mercantilist consensus about political economy, imperial policy both in Britain and the colonies was necessarily a politically contested issue. This essay contends therefore that Atlanticists and early Americanists need to reinsert accounts of party political debates over imperial political economy, both in the metropolis and in the colonies, into their accounts of Atlantic development and the origins of the American Revolution.

Since China launched the 16 + 1 forum for meetings with Central and Eastern European (CEE) countries in 2012, European observers have struggled to understand the Chinese approach. In contrast to its oft-repeated claim of 'win-win' cooperation, some believe China is pursuing an assertive strategy of 'divide and conquer' designed to benefit China at Europe's expense. China's economic diplomacy in CEE is examined through the critical lens of Holslag's 'offensive mercantilism' framework, finding it useful for assessing empirical aspects of China's approach to CEE, but failing to find evidence for the assertion that China's economic diplomacy is divisive and bad for Europe.