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High-grade serous ovarian cancer (HGSOC) is the most lethal gynecological malignancy among women. Several obstacles impede the early diagnosis and effective treatment options for ovarian cancer (OC) patients, which most importantly include the development of platinum-drug-resistant strains. Currently, extensive efforts are being put into the development of strategies capable of effectively circumventing the physical and biological barriers present in the peritoneal cavity of metastatic OC patients, representing a late stage of gastrointestinal and gynecological cancer with an extremely poor prognosis. Naturally occurring extracellular vesicles (EVs) have been shown to play a pivotal role in progression of OC and are now being harnessed as a delivery vehicle for cancer chemotherapeutics. However, there are limitations to their clinical application due to current challenges in their preparation techniques. Intriguingly, there is a recent drive towards the use of engineered synthetic EVs for the delivery of chemotherapeutics and RNA interference therapy (RNAi), as they show the promise of overcoming the obstacles in the treatment of OC patients. This review discusses the therapeutic application of EVs in OC and elucidates the potential use of engineered EV-mimetic nanoparticles as a delivery vehicle for RNAi therapy and other chemotherapeutics, which would potentially improve clinical outcomes of OC patients.

This article reexamines the origins and social status of the ( , etc., “those who prostrate themselves”) in ancient Mesopotamia. Previously thought of as commoners, analysis of third-millennium sources reveals them to be settled outsiders, distinct from citizens of the communities they inhabited. This precarious position necessitated protection from rulers or other powerful figures. Evidence suggests the Semitic Middle Euphrates-Tigris region as the homeland of this phenomenon. Early Dynastic data (ca. 2600–2300 BC) portray the as low-status outsiders by placing them in the context of male regular and house-born slaves, menial workers, robbers/seminomads, and female sex workers. Akkadian conquerors brought the phenomenon to Sumer during the twenty-third century BC. The lived in imperial centers and traveled between Sumerian cities. The data on the become more common during the Ur III period (2110–2003 BC). They lived primarily in royal settlements and on the kingdom’s periphery, suggesting a deliberate policy to establish a loyal social base, and they were “people” rather than “natives” of these towns. Male were typically conscripted full time in low-income occupations involved in animal husbandry and cultivation, and they seldom held administrative positions. Male citizens, on the other hand, enjoyed a better economic position with part-time work and additional income opportunities. Few women (feminine forms of the term are not attested) might have been forced into penal labor like some citizen women. Sex work was another profession for some women, also mirroring the situation for some citizen women. During the Old Babylonian period (2002–1595 BC), remained a term for a group of state-protected free individuals distinct from regular citizens of southern Babylonia. What was new is that Babylonian states used this category as a blueprint to conceptualize the entire free population as royal/state subjects, a concept originally alien in the south.

This book explores the cultural and political significance of ostracism in democratic Athens. In contrast to previous interpretations, Sara Forsdyke argues that ostracism was primarily a symbolic institution whose meaning for the Athenians was determined both by past experiences of exile and by its role as a context for the ongoing negotiation of democratic values. The first part of the book demonstrates the strong connection between exile and political power in archaic Greece. In Athens and elsewhere, elites seized power by expelling their rivals. Violent intra-elite conflict of this sort was a highly unstable form of \"politics that was only temporarily checked by various attempts at elite self-regulation. A lasting solution to the problem of exile was found only in the late sixth century during a particularly intense series of violent expulsions. At this time, the Athenian people rose up and seized simultaneously control over decisions of exile and political power. The close connection between political power and the power of expulsion explains why ostracism was a central part of the democratic reforms. Forsdyke shows how ostracism functioned both as a symbol of democratic power and as a key term in the ideological justification of democratic rule. Crucial to the author's interpretation is the recognition that ostracism was both a remarkably mild form of exile and one that was infrequently used. By analyzing the representation of exile in Athenian imperial decrees, in the works of Herodotus, Thucydides, Plato, Aristotle, and in tragedy and oratory, Forsdyke shows how exile served as an important term in the debate about the best form of rule.

In this article, we study an analogue of tt-reducibility for points in computable metric spaces. We characterize the notion of the metric tt-degree in the context of first-level Borel isomorphism. Then, we study this concept from the perspectives of effective topological dimension theory and of effective fractal dimension theory.

In Classical Athens, an immigrant who stayed longer than about a month was required to register a citizen as prostates and to commence paying the metoikion. So were freed slaves. A recent study treats these freeborn and freedman metics as distinct legal types of resident alien. Athenian law did not.

In Classical Athens, an immigrant who stayed longer than about a month was required to register a citizen as prostates and to commence paying the metoikion. So were freed slaves. A recent study treats these freeborn and freedman metics as distinct legal types of resident alien. Athenian law did not.

We introduce a method to compute rigorous component-wise enclosures of discrete convolutions using the fast Fourier transform, the properties of Banach algebras, and interval arithmetic. The purpose of this new approach is to improve the implementation and the applicability of computer-assisted proofs performed in weighed ℓ1 Banach algebras of Fourier/Chebyshev sequences, whose norms are known to be numerically unstable. We introduce some application examples, in particular a rigorous aposteriori error analysis for a steady state in the quintic Swift-Hohenberg PDE.

Ancient Greek literature, Athenian civic ideology, and modern classical scholarship have all worked together to reinforce the idea that there were three neatly defined status groups in classical Athens--citizens, slaves, and resident foreigners. But this book--the first comprehensive account of status in ancient democratic Athens--clearly lays out the evidence for a much broader and more complex spectrum of statuses, one that has important implications for understanding Greek social and cultural history. By revealing a social and legal reality otherwise masked by Athenian ideology, Deborah Kamen illuminates the complexity of Athenian social structure, uncovers tensions between democratic ideology and practice, and contributes to larger questions about the relationship between citizenship and democracy. Each chapter is devoted to one of ten distinct status groups in classical Athens (451/0-323 BCE): chattel slaves, privileged chattel slaves, conditionally freed slaves, resident foreigners (metics), privileged metics, bastards, disenfranchised citizens, naturalized citizens, female citizens, and male citizens. Examining a wide range of literary, epigraphic, and legal evidence, as well as factors not generally considered together, such as property ownership, corporal inviolability, and religious rights, the book demonstrates the important legal and social distinctions that were drawn between various groups of individuals in Athens. At the same time, it reveals that the boundaries between these groups were less fixed and more permeable than Athenians themselves acknowledged. The book concludes by trying to explain why ancient Greek literature maintains the fiction of three status groups despite a far more complex reality.