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Yang Xiong, a cultural celebrity in ancient China, is a well-known figure in the history of Chinese literature with abundant research on his literary achievements. However, little research has been done on the presentation of his name, former residence, and prose poems in Chinese calligraphy from an iconographic perspective. This paper intends to explore how \"Yang Xiong,\" \"Yang Ziyun,\" \"Ziyun Pavilion in Xishu Prefecture,\" and \"Yang Xiong's prose poems\" are presented in the Chinese calligraphy, especially in calligraphies by Wang Xizhi, Su Dongpo, Huang Tingjian, Mi Fu, and other famous calligraphers in the previous dynasties. Research shows that Yang Xiong influenced not only Chinese literature but also Chinese calligraphy to a certain extent.

[...]by constructing the floating studio as an interface between the self and the world, Song literati created a tension between two opposing intellectual pursuits: the boat suggested personal freedom beyond society, whereas the studio evoked scholarliness and engagement with the world. A Private Aesthetic Space: The \"Studio Boat\" Practice An anecdote in Luo Dajing's 羅大經 (fl. 1224) Song miscellany (biji 筆記) Helin yulu 鶴林玉露 (Jade Dew in the Forest of Cranes) introduces a boat for carrying books: [...]as an opposing image, the \"antique inkstone\" (gu yanzhuan 古硯磚) is often employed in literature as a motif of an individual's strong enthusiasm for literary and artistic creation, antique collecting, and connoisseurship. [...]in this poem, by stating that he is spending his salary on the inkstone while giving up the mountain, Xu in effect prioritizes his pursuit of scholarliness over his desire to hide in the mountains. Since Liu's letter is written in parallel prose, it is worth noting that when he provides a counterpart for the inkstone taking priority over the mountain, Liu transforms \"the boat for carrying cranes\" (zaihe zhi chuan 載鶴之船) into a boat for carrying books.

In ancient Chinese philosophy, yi means both \"intention\" and \"idea,\" which means, according to Edmund Ryden, that it can be voluntative or cognitive. As a widely used aesthetic category, yi has multiple dimensions in Chinese art theory. Here, Shi examines the calligraphic creative process of yi and divides yi on the part of a creative calligrapher into two types: first, the voluntative yi, the calligrapher's intention or will; second, the cognitive yi, the idea within the artist's mind.

[...]it is unsurprising that in Hong Mai's 洪邁 (1123–1202) Yijian zhi 夷堅志, even Hangzhou's honest shopkeepers should turn out to be ghosts obliged to toil for a \"living.\" The proliferation of counterfeit coin—not much of a problem in the Northern Song, when state mints issued abundant quantities of high-quality copper coin, but a rapidly growing concern in the Southern Song—distressed fiscal officials who collected taxes and affluent householders who accumulated substantial savings. Furthermore, the lurking trepidation about the substandard quality of copper derived using the hydrometallurgy process surely would have dissipated by Zhang Tao's day (Gaozong's reign), when the prolific copper mines of the Northern Song era had largely played out and the court was desperate to find raw material amid the precipitous decline in mint output. Metallurgical analysis has confirmed the historian Li Xinchuan's 李心傳 (1166–1243) lament that Gaozong-era coins—especially the two-cash (zhe'er 折二) coins that comprised the majority of new emissions—contained substantially less copper than Northern Song coins, and further reveals that the quality of Southern Song coinages varied erratically.3 We know that after Zhang Jia delivered his treatise to the government in 1094, the wet-copper technique was adopted at Dexing 德興 and other south China copper mines, but its application remained controversial.

Susan Bush's article here and Peter Sturman's article, \"Family Matters: The Poetic Ideas Scroll Attributed to Mi Youren and Sima Huai,\" recently published.2 Archives of Asian Art previously published an important article lamenting the decline of connoisseurship in our age and two rejoinders. 3 These two articles by Bush and Sturman demonstrate that even if the decline of Chinese connoisseurial study is real, the death knell for it has tolled much too soon for such an essential aspect of the discipline. [...]Bush and Sturman agreed decades ago that both paintings in this scroll might be by one artist but disagreed about which one: [...]both authors have explained the imagery of these paintings and the context of their production as an artistic engagement with the conditions of scholarly service in this most troubled period of Song history.

1790 年 一 塊 形 狀 為 手 的 名 為 “ 研 山 ” 的 奇 特 研 墨 石 在 北 京 古 玩 市 場 出 現 ， 受 到 了 金 石 學 家 注 意 。 它 的 形 狀 和 出 處 都 不 同 凡 響 ： 最 初 是 為 南 唐 後 主 李 煜 （ 937-978） 量 身 定 做 ， 之 後 成 為 宋 朝 書 法 家 米 芾 （ 1051-1107） 的 收 藏 。 翁 方 綱 （ 1738-1818） 近 距 離 觀 察 了 這 塊 研 墨 石 ， 把 其 發 現 作 為 短 文 書 寫 在 一 卷 長 捲 軸 上 ， 還 伴 隨 有 兩 幅 “ 研 山 ” 的 繪 畫 畫 和 兩 幅 相 關 拓 片 。 在 當 時 考 證 學 影 響 下 ， 翁 方 綱 試 圖 摒 棄 與 這 塊 “ 研 山 ” 歷 史 和 特 點 有 關 的 杜 撰 故 事 而 進 行 更 為 腳 踏 實 地 的 研 究 。 為 什 麼 要 在 畫 中 表 現 “ 研 山 ”？ 本 文 重 構 了 翁 方 綱 和 他 手 下 藝 術 家 為 了 盡 可 能 真 實 的 描 繪 “ 研 山 ” 圖 像 所 進 行 的 努 力 ， 展 現 了 十 八 世 紀 末 期 考 證 學 是 如 何 開 始 影 響 藝 術 想 象 力 的 。 １７９０ 年 、 北 京 で 手 の 形 を し た 驚 く べ き 研 山 （ 硯 山 〔 硯 の 一 種 で 盆 石 と し て も 鑑 賞 さ れ る 。 起 伏 の 多 い 石 を 用 い 中 央 の 平 ら な 部 分 を 硯 と し て 使 っ た も の 。 起 伏 の 部 分 に 筆 を 横 に し て も た せ か け る こ と が で き る 〕 ） が 出 現 し て 、 古 物 愛 好 家 た ち の 好 奇 心 を 駆 り 立 て た 。 「 宝 晋 斎 研 山 」 と 呼 ば れ る そ の 石 は 、 形 態 も さ る こ と な が ら 、 来 歴 も 驚 く べ き も の だ っ た 。 十 国 南 唐 （ 江 南 ） の 最 後 の 国 主 ・ 李 煜 （ り ・ い く 、 ９３７～ ９７８ 年 ） の た め に デ ザ イ ン さ れ 、 北 宋 末 の 書 家 ・ 画 家 ・ 蒐 集 家 と し て 有 名 な 米 芾 （ べ い ・ ふ つ 、 １０５１～ １１０７ 年 ） が 入 手 し た こ と が あ る 研 山 だ っ た か ら で あ る 。 翁 方 綱 （ １７３８～ １８１８ 年 ） が そ れ を 詳 細 に 研 究 し 、 そ の 結 果 を ２ 枚 の 絵 画 と ２ 枚 の 石 刷 り か ら な る ４ つ の 図 を 含 ん だ 長 い 巻 子 本 と し て 著 わ し 、 彼 の 発 見 を 共 有 し た 。 彼 は 、 当 時 の 新 し い 観 念 だ っ た 考 証 学 的 原 理 に 基 づ き 、 そ れ ま で に そ の 石 の 来 歴 や 特 徴 に つ い て 流 布 し て い た 伝 説 を 排 し 、 新 た に 経 験 に よ っ て 明 ら か に さ れ た 事 実 の み を 探 求 し よ う と し た 。 そ れ な ら ば 、 彼 は な ぜ 、 そ の 石 を 絵 画 に よ っ て 示 そ う と し た の か ？ 　 本 論 は 、 １８ 世 紀 後 半 の 中 国 に お け る 古 物 研 究 に 特 徴 的 な 、 学 問 的 正 確 さ の 追 究 と 芸 術 的 イ マ ジ ネ ー シ ョ ン の 間 の 密 接 な 関 係 を 、 翁 方 綱 と 彼 の 仕 事 に 参 加 し た 芸 術 家 た ち の 努 力 の 中 に 見 出 そ う と す る も の で あ る 。 In 1790, a prodigious ink-grinding stone (yanshan) in the shape of a hand resurfaced in Beijing, attracting the curiosity of local antiquarians. Its shape was as exceptional as its provenance: designed for Li Yu (937–978), it was among the treasures of Mi Fu’s (1051–1107) legendary collection. Weng Fanggang (1738–1818) studied the stone first-hand and shared his discoveries in an essay written on a long scroll made up of four representations of the stone, two paintings and two rubbings. Guided by the new principle of objectivity, Weng sought to discard all apocryphal accounts of its history and properties in favour of fresh, empirically grounded evidence. Why then present this material in a painting? This essay reconstructs the efforts made by Weng Fanggang and his artists to capture the most authentic image of the stone, examining the many ways academic rigour became inextricable from artistic imagination in the late eighteenth-century antiquarians’ pursuit of the past. En 1790, une extraordinaire pierre à encre (yanshan) en forme de main refit surface à Pékin, attirant la curiosité des antiquaires locaux. Sa forme était aussi exceptionnelle que sa provenance : conçue pour Li Yu (937-978), elle avait fait partie des trésors de la collection légendaire de Mi Fu (1051-1107). Weng Fanggang (1738-1818) l’a alors étudiée de près et a partagé ses découvertes dans un essai écrit sur un long rouleau où se trouvent également quatre représentations de la pierre : deux peintures et deux estampages. Guidé par le nouveau principe de l’objectivité, Weng a mis à l’épreuve tous les récits apocryphes relatifs à l’histoire et aux propriétés de la pierre, en les confrontant aux nouvelles preuves empiriques. Pourquoi présenter ce matériel sur une peinture ? Cet article présente les efforts déployés par Weng Fanggang et ses artistes pour capturer l’image la plus authentique de la pierre, exposant comment la rigueur académique est devenue inséparable de l’imagination artistique dans la quête du passé propre à la fin du XVIIIe siècle. Matteini Michele. The Story of a Stone: Mi Fu’s Ink-Grinding Stone and its Eighteenth-Century Replications. In: Arts asiatiques, tome 72, 2017. pp. 81-96.

To phrase this differently, when painting shinü images, why did Song painters avoid traditionally collectible formats, such as the handscroll and hanging scroll, the stock components of Song scholars' art collections? While Zhang Yanyuan used meiren 美人, funü 婦女, and qiluo renwu 綺羅 人物 to categorize these paintings, his contemporary Zhu Jingxuan (朱景玄; active mid-9th c.) first used shinü to denote the painting genre in his book Famous Tang Paintings (Tangchao minghua lu 唐朝名畫錄), listing artists like Zhou Fang, Zhang Xuan, and Chen Hong (陳閎; second half of 8th c.) as experts in painting shinü.5 These two art books both indicate that shinü tu was a separate painting genre during the Tang dynasty. In this category only those that were copied after Tang and Five Dynasties' originals, such as Court Ladies Preparing Newly Woven Silk (Fig. 6), attributed to Emperor Huizong, are in the handscroll format, and none are hanging scrolls.11 As noted earlier, most extant shinü tu from the Song dynasty are fan paintings, images originally mounted on round fans. The first mention of fan paintings as a collectible are found in Huaji and Guange lu,12 two Southern Song books, and most extant Song dynasty fan paintings are from the Southern Song period.13 By contrast, connoisseurs had been collecting handscrolls and hanging scrolls before the Northern Song, and scholars' study rooms continued to feature these two formats as stock components.

The essay explores the history of one of the most celebrated pieces of Chinese calligraphy, an early Tang tracing copy of (Xingrangtie) by Wang Xizhi (303–ca. 361). The Tang paper slip with its fifteen characters is merely 8.9 cm wide but embedded into a scroll of 372 cm, with seals and colophons from three Chinese emperors and an illustrious line of connoisseurs. The essay explores the numerous paradoxes in the reception of both the scroll and the Wang Xizhi persona, with the scroll exemplifying the constructed nature of Wang's persona in its dialectic relationship to Chinese imperial culture.